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Number 1 — January 1916 

The Indian Agent in the United States Before 1850 

Ruth A. Gallaher 3 

The Removal of the Capital from Iowa City to Des Moines 

John E. Briggs 56 

Captivity of a Party of Frenchmen Among Indians in the 

Iowa Country Jacob Van der Zee 96 

Some Publications 119 

Western Americana 124 

lowana 126 

Historical Societies 138 

Notes and Comment 151 

Contributors 156 

Number 2 — April 1916 

The Romance in Iowa History Thomas Teakle 159 

The Indian Agent in the United States Since 1850 

Ruth A. Gallaher 173 

The Career of Samuel R. Thurston in Iowa and Oregon 

Hiram F. White 239 

A Western Demand for Internal Improvements 265 

Some Publications 268 

Western Americana 277 

lowana 279 

Historical Societies 290 

Notes and Comment 304 

Contributors 308 


Number 3 — July 1916 

Episodes in the Early History of the Des Moines Valley 

Jacob Van der Zee 311 

Indian Agents in Iowa. I — Agents Among the Sacs and 

Foxes Ruth A. GtAllaher 348 

Arguments in Favor of the Admission of Iowa into the Union 

Dan Elbert Clark 395 

Some Publications 438 

Western Americana 446 

lowana 451 

Historical Societies 461 

Notes and Comment 473 

Contributors 476 

ISTtjmber 4 — October 1916 

The Opening of the Des Moines VaUey to Settlement 

Jacob Van ber Zee 479 
Indian Agents in Iowa. II — Agents at the Winnebago, St. 
Peter's, Council Bluffs, and Tama Agencies 

Ruth A. Gallaher 559 

Some Publications 597 

Western Americana 601 

lowana 603 

Historical Societies 611 

Notes and Comment 619 

Contributors , 621 

Index 623 

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Iowa Jour 



Published Quaurterly iiy 


Iowa. City lowa^ 

Ent«r*4 D«<s«a1jer 28 J902 at Iowa City Iowa as socond-clMB ma««r ojwJer set cl Omffm ^'^f IS i^''* 


No 1 


The Indian Agent in the United States Before 1850 

Ruth A. Gallaher 3 

The Removal of the Capital from. Iowa City to Des Moines 

John E. Brigqs 56 

Captivity of a Party of Frenchmen Among Indians in the Iowa 
Country, 1728-1729 . Jacob Van deb Zee 96 

Some Publications 119 

Western Americana ...... 124 

lowana 126 

Historical Societies 138 

Notes and Comment 151 

Contributors 156 

Copyright 1016 by The State Historical Society of Iowa 




Address all Communicatiotu to 
Tni Statx Hibtobical Socimr Iowa City 



VOL. XIV — 1 

BEFOEE 1850 

[This is the first of a series of four articles dealing with one phase of the 
history of the administration of Indian affairs in the United States with special 
reference to Iowa. Indeed, the last two articles in the series will be devoted 
entirely to the work of the Indian agents in the Iowa country. The subject of 
this study was suggested by Dr. Louis Pelzer, Assistant Professor of History in 
the State University of Iowa, under whose direction the research was first car- 
ried on. — Author.] 


Since the time when the first white settlers landed in 
America there has been almost constant friction between 
the aboriginal inhabitants and the newcomers. Along the 
line of the constantly receding frontier the two races have 
faced each other for centuries — sometimes as open enemies, 
and always as rivals. The various national and State gov- 
ernments in North America have struggled with the prob- 
lem of pacifying and protecting the Indians without perma- 
nently checking the advance of the pioneers. The treachery 
of which the white people have been accused has been, for 
the most part, due to the struggle between these opposing 
forces — the desire of the government to satisfy the In- 
dians, at least temporarily, and the irresistible expansion 
of the white race. 

When the English colonists first came in contact with the 
natives three lines of procedure were open to them: (1) to 
recognize the sovereignty of the Indian tribes and their 
ownership of the land; (2) to recognize their political sov- 
ereignty without recognizing their right to the soil; or (3) 
to refuse to treat with them as independent nations in any 
way. At first the English were inclined to adopt the second 



policy, at least in theory, and made treaties with the various 
tribes. When the Indians refused to cede lands, the colo- 
nists had no scruples against seizing the country by force ; 
and the right of the Indians to their hunting grounds was 
disregarded. The United States made its first official treaty 
with the Indians (the Delawares) in 1778 and maintained 
the pretence of recognizing the sovereignty of the native 
tribes until 1871,^ when treaty-making with Indian tribes 
was prohibited. During all this time, however, the United 
States denied to the Indians the right to transfer their lands 
without the consent of the government at Washington, often 
compelling them to cede lands against their will. The status 
of the Indian tribes and of individual Indians has always 
been indefinite. Appeals to the Supreme Court have result- 
ed in decisions no more satisfactory than the opinion handed 
down in 1832 by Associate Justice John McLean in which 
it was held that "They [the Indians] do not constitute 
. . . . a foreign state .... and yet, having the 
right of self government, they, in some sense, form a 
state. "2 

As the Indians slowly retreated before the white men, the 
government of England, the governments of the Colonies, 
and later the government of the United States, each in turn, 
attempted to establish peace. The story of one failure has 
been the story of all such attempts. A treaty was made; 
friendship was declared; the Indians ceded lands and re- 
ceived in return annuities and presents; a boundary line 
was marked off ; and for a few years there was a peace which 
was only suspended hostility. Then the pioneers, driven 
westward by insatiable land-hunger, crossed the line and 
settled on the unceded lands of the Indians. There were 
protests, massacres, and retaliations, a campaign by the 

1 Beport of Commissioner of Inddan Afairs, 1890, p. xxis. 

2 Worcester vs. The State of Georgia, 6 Peters 515, at 581. 



troops, and another treaty in which more land was ceded, 
more presents given, and another "peace" was established. 
In so far as these periods of open hostility constituted real 
wars they contradict the claim that all race wars are fo- 
mented by governments and that racial antagonism between 
individuals is not a natural feeling. 


In the intercourse between the white men and the natives, 
the English-speaking settlements have been represented by 
six general classes of individuals, so far as direct contact is 
concerned, namely: explorers, missionaries, traders, set- 
tlers, military officers, and official agents and commissioners. 
In early colonial times, these groups were not clearly de- 
fined. Traders were explorers and often became settlers. 
Most frontiersmen engaged in Indian trade; and mission- 
aries, traders, officers, and settlers sometimes acted as of- 
ficial representatives of the government. The development 
of a class of public officers whose sole duty was to adminis- 
ter Indian affairs was a slow process, yet the different lines 
of the work now performed by the Indian agents were to be 
found in colonial times. Experience has resulted only in a 
clearer definition of the work and in higher specialization. 

Before the middle of the eighteenth century official repre- 
sentatives of the white man's government were present 
among the Indians only on special occasions or in a quasi- 
public capacity. The Governors or their delegates occa- 
sionally met the Indians in council and made necessary 
agreements with them. When distant tribes were to be 
reached men who had some personal interest in the savages 
were often asked to represent the colonial administration. 
About 1687, for example, an Albany interpreter, who lived 
among the Onondagas, attended their councils as a repre- 
sentative of New York.3 The Council of Pennsylvania, in 

3 Hanna 's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. I, p. 4. 



1690, requested Lacy Cock, who was going up the Schuylkill 
Eiver, to secure information concerning the ammunition 
possessed by the French. Provision was also made for the 
distribution of presents.^ 

Official relations with the Indians at this time were large- 
ly affected by the rivalry between the French and the Eng- 
lish for the trade and friendship of the leading tribes — 
particularly the Iroquois and the tribes along the Great 
Lakes and the Ohio River. The necessities of the struggle 
for America dictated the Indian policy of both France and 
England during this period. Agents were sent among the 
Indians to win their confidence and support. An instance 
of the work of these agents is to be found in 1730 when South 
Carolina sent Sir Alexander Cuming on a mission to the 
Cherokees, which resulted in their acknowledging the Eng- 
lish supremacy.^ Another factor which was even more im- 
portant in the eyes of many colonists was Indian trade; 
indeed, many of the political leaders were also traders. Men 
like William Johnson kept agents in the field to trade with 
the Indians and these representatives also served to attach 
the Indians to the English cause.® 

By 1750 there had appeared in the colonies a group of 
persons who had great influence over the Indians. Among 
them were Christopher Gist, Dr. Thomas Walker, George 
Croghan, Andrew Montour, William Johnson, and Conrad 
Weiser. Some of these men were of humble origin, but they 
were on intimate terms with the Indians and brought valu- 
able information to the colonial officers. George Croghan, 
for example, was an illiterate frontiersman, yet he was ad- 
mitted as a councillor of the Six Nations in 1746.'^ At the 

4 Minutes of the Provincial Council of Tennsylvania, Vol. I, pp. 334, 335. 

5 Greene's Provincial America, p. 251. 

6 Hanna 's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. I, p. 5. 

7 Hanna 's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. II, p. 30. 



outbreak of the French and Indian War Croghan was living 
at Aughwick on the frontier, where he surrounded himself 
with Indian dependents, for whose support the colony of 
Pennsylvania sometimes granted him sums of money.^ He 
seems to have been seldom at home, however, for he was 
constantly among the Indian tribes either as a trader, inter- 
preter, or agent. In 1748 he was sent to Logstown, on the 
Ohio, in company with Conrad Weiser to attach the Indians 
to the English cause and to extend the trade of Pennsyl- 
vania; and he made another journey in 1751 in company 
with Andrew Montour, the half-breed interpreter and 
trader. It was their duty to gain the good will of the In- 
dians and, as usual, presents were distributed. On the sec- 
ond trip, Croghan and Montour met a French agent, Jon- 
caire, who was on a similar mission for his government.^ 
French agents, both traders and military officers, were busy 
among the Indians and seem to have been superior, as a 
class, to the English who mingled with the red men of 

It was such men as Croghan and "Weiser who won the 
friendship of the Indians. Living in close touch with them, 
sometimes bound to them by ties of blood or marriage, they 
sent repeated warnings to the Governors and assemblies 
that they must prepare to drive out the French. 

As New York was one of the first Colonies to develop a 
policy of Indian affairs and since the organization there was 
the most complete, an account of Indian administration in 
that Colony will illustrate the work of agents during the 
period under consideration. A board of commissioners ap- 
pointed by the royal Governor was in charge, and by 1698 a 

sHanna's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. II, pp. 4, 10. 
9 Hanna's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. II, pp. 1, 2. 


special secretary for this work was provided.^*' These com- 
missioners, like those in most of the other Colonies, were 
usually merchants and consequently were interested chiefly 
in Indian trade. Their official duties were supervisory, and 
they met the Indians only when they desired to make spe- 
cial agreements with them. New York's preeminence in 
Indian affairs was largely due, however, to one man, 
William Johnson, who came to have great influence over the 
Iroquois because of his tact and hospitality, and was relied 
upon to keep them in the service of the English. This Irish 
settler — who was farmer, trader, diplomat, and soldier at 
the same time — was looked upon by the Indians as their 
friend and protector, but his popularity was due to his per- 
sonality rather than to his position. Governor Clinton rec- 
ognized his superior talent for handling Indians, as is 
shown by these words in a letter to the Duke of Newcastle in 
1747: "Coll. Johnson who I have employ 'd as Chief Man- 
ager of the Indian War and Colonel over all the Indians, by 
their own approbation, has sent several parties of Indians 
into Canada ".^^ The act of the Governor thus referred to 
substituted the control of one man for that of the commis- 
sioners and to some extent transferred the control of the 
Indians to the Crown. Peter Wraxall, secretary for Indian 
atfairs in New York, said in a report submitted in January, 
1756, that this step had been taken by Governor Clinton be- 
cause the Dutch commissioners at Albany were more inter- 
ested in the profits of the Indian trade than in the success of 
England against France.^^ 
At the close of the war in 1748, colonial interest in the 

10 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
IV, p. 491. 

11 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 

VI, p. 358. 

12 Documents Belative to the Coloiiial History of the State of New York, Vol. 

VII, pp. 14, 16, 19. 



Indians decreased. Private enterprise was sufficient to se- 
cure furs from the natives, and the New York Assembly re- 
fused to furnish William Johnson with presents. At last 
Johnson resigned his commission as the official representa- 
tive of New York, preferring to act as a private trader.^^ 
His personal influence, however, remained undiminished. 

The peace established by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
was unstable both in Europe and America. The impending 
crisis in the struggle for America soon stirred the colonial 
governments to renewed energy, and the movement of set- 
tlers westward brought new protests from the Indians. In 
May, 1750, deputies from the Six Nations met the repre- 
sentatives of Pennsylvania at George Croghan's establish- 
ment and requested the Governor of Pennsylvania to send 
''two or three faithful Persons over the Mountains who may 
be agreeable to him and us, with Commissions impowering 
them immediately to remove every one who shall presume 
after this to settle there, until the Six Nations shall agree to 
make Sale of their Land."^* This request for officers to 
prevent settlements on unceded lands was followed by many 
similar petitions. Jealousy among the Colonies, however, 
both as to western lands and Indian trade prevented any 
consistent or uniform policy. Agents were sent to the In- 
dian tribes by the various Colonies, but these agents repre- 
sented merely the Colony which employed them and were 
willing to sacrifice the common good for its advantage. 
When Governor Clinton of New York asked the Assembly 
to assist Pennsylvania in securing the aid of the Indians 
along the Ohio Eiver against the French, the members of 
the Assembly replied that they had taken care of their In- 
dians and Pennsylvania would have to do the same.^^ 

13 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New TorTc, Vol. 
VI, p. 739. 

1* Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. V, p. 441. 
15 Parkman 's Montcalm and Wolfe, Vol. I, p. 61. 


The royal Governors representing the centralized govern- 
ment, as a rule, recognized the importance of Indian affairs 
more clearly than did the colonial assemblies. Colonists 
were ready to spend money to extend their own trade but 
not that of their neighbors. In 1755 James Crockatt, the 
agent for South Carolina, said that the gifts of that Colony 
to the Indians amounted to between 7000 and 8000 pounds 
annually.^'' The same year Cadwallader Colden wrote to 
Governor Clinton, expressing his idea of Indian adminis- 
tration in these words: ''I am of the opinion, that they can 
only be managed by one single person of sufficient ability, as 
Superintendent of Indian affairs, who shall not be allowed 
to trade in any shape directly or indirectly. ' ' ^'^ 

At the beginning of the French and Indian War various 
plans for establishing and maintaining English supremacy 
among the border tribes were suggested. In July, 1754, 
William Johnson advised that a missionary and a black- 
smith should be located at Onondaga, and that young men be 
sent among the Indians to learn the Indian language and to 
serve as schoolmasters.^® Another suggestion is found in a 
report of Peter Wraxall, secretary of Indian affairs in New 
York, made to General William Johnson in January, 1756 : 
''Let there be two persons of approved abilities, known in- 
tegrity and agreeable to the Indians appointed by Commis- 
sions from His Maty, with adequate Salaries, as superin- 
tendants for Indian affairs in North America, one for the 
Six Nations and their Allies, and one for the Southern dis- 
trict". The superintendents were to reside near the In- 
dians, and among other duties, they were to hold meetings 
with the natives, issue presents, appoint agents and inter- 

16 Dickerson 's American Colonial Government, 1696-1765, p. 337. 

17 Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VI, p. 744. 

18 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, Vol. 
VI, pp. 8&8, 899. 



preters, and decide upon a uniform system of carrying on 
their work. Factors at Indian forts and store-houses might 
also be agents among the Indians of the township in which 
they resided. An intendant of trade was to he located at 
Oswego to discover impositions upon the Indians.^^ In this 
plan the main features of the later Indian agent system are 

In the meantime war had begun. Action by the colonial 
governments was too dilatory and inconsistent to be satis- 
factory, and in 1755 William Johnson was reappointed by 
General Braddock^*^ as sole superintendent and manager of 
Indian affairs among the Six Nations, and in the following 
year this appointment was confirmed by a commission from 
the Crown. At the same time Edmund Atkins^^ was ap- 
pointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the southern 
Colonies, and the English territory was thus divided into 
two superintendencies. 

Johnson 's official duties consisted of a combination of the 
work done by modern Indian agents and the supervisory 
activities of the colonial commissioners of Indian affairs. 
He treated the savages more as friends and equals than as 
inferiors and wards, and was responsible directly to the 
government in England, although he was expected to work 
with the commander-in-chief of the troops. The Indians 
were delighted with the plan. Francis Parkman says that 
they "loved and trusted him [Johnson] as much as they de- 
tested the Indian commissioners at Albany, whom the prov- 
ince of New York had charged with their affairs, and who, 
being traders, grossly abused their office. "^^ The advan- 

19 Bocuments Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, Vol. 
Vn, p. 26. 

20 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New Yorlc, Vol. 
VI, p. 961. 

21 Dickerson's American Colonial Government, 1696-1765, p. 341. 

22 Parkman 's Montcalm and Wolfe, Vol. I, p. 172. 


tage of the centralized management must have been evident 
to all except the traders and illegal land purchasers. It sub- 
stituted control by one man, who was well known among 
both Indians and white men for his fairness and hospitality, 
for the control by various colonial boards, which managed 
affairs first for their own personal advantage, and secondly 
for the benefit of their own particular Colonies. 

Johnson began his work with his usual energy. Soon 
after his appointment he wrote to the Lords of Trade, rec- 
ommending that warehouses for the sale of commodities, 
rum excepted, should be established near the forts. Men 
who could speak the Indian tongue were to be put in charge 
of these trading stations and were to act as resident agents 
and interpreters accountable to the superintendent.^^ 
These men were the forerunners of the United States fac- 

Johnson's position was one of great difficulty. Although 
he had sole authority over the Indians by virtue of his com- 
mission from the King, his relations to the commander-in- 
chief of the army and the colonial governments were ill- 
defined. In 1756 Governor Hardy of New York wrote of 
Johnson, that he would ''execute this Commission for the 
Publick utility if he be not obstructed, by agents employed 
by the Commander-in-Cheif or from other Governments, 
who by such means may be tempted to create an influence to 
themselves by endeavoring to lessen Mr. Johnson's reputa- 
tion among the Indians".^* Johnson, himself, complained 
of the ''lawless behaviour and villanous conduct of these 
Agents of Govr. Shirley 's".^" On the other hand, colonial 

23 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, Vol. 

VI, p. 963. 

24 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New Yorl-, Vol. 

VII, p. 3. 

25 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VI, p. 994. 



agents were jealous of Johnson's influence. In June, 1759, 
a Pennsylvania provincial agent at Fort Pitt, wrote to the 
commissioners that George Croghan, Johnson's deputy 
agent, had assumed the power of licensing traders and was 
competing in the Indian trade.^^ 

Other Colonies attempted to establish more friendly rela- 
tions with their Indian neighbors. In 1756 Governor Din- 
widdie of Virginia advised the building of forts in the West 
and the stationing at these forts of blacksmiths and school- 
masters, who were to teach the Indians English and the 
principles of morality .^'^ The real purpose of this plan was 
to counteract French influence and, as usual, presents were 
the chief reliance in gaining the friendship of the Indians. 
In a letter of 1757, it was said that "Gist's Employm't is 
to take care of the Indians and to deliver them presents with 
discretion. This was Christopher Gist who was deputy 
Indian agent for the southern Indians. 

Massachusetts, in 1758, attempted to protect the rights of 
the Indians to unceded lands by an act which provided for 
the appointment of three guardians who were to reside near 
every Indian plantation. These officers were to allot lands 
to the Indians, lease what the owners could not use, dis- 
tribute the money to the Indians, and in general prevent un- 
scrupulous men from taking advantage of the natives.^^ 

Although men who took charge of Indian affairs at this 
time were often called agents, it is evident that the term is 
used in the general sense that any one who represents an- 

26Haniia's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. II, p. 325. 

27 Dinwiddie Papers, Vol. II, p. 339, in the Virginia Historical Collections, 

Vol. rv. 

^sDinwiddie Papers, Vol. II, p. 715, in tlie Virginia Historical Collections, 
Vol. IV. 

29 Eighteenth Annual Beport of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part 2, 
p. 610. 


other person or group of persons is an agent. The Colonies 
had agents in England as well as among the Indians. Land 
companies were represented by agents. Moreover, the of- 
ficial duties of the men who carried on Indian affairs can 
often be distinguished with difficulty from their work as pri- 
vate individuals. They distributed presents, made treaties, 
and protected the Indians from land purchasers ; they regu- 
lated trade, but were often engaged in it themselves; and 
they were interested in the welfare of the Indians only so 
far as it affected the attitude of the Indians towards the 

By 1763 the administration of Indian affairs was carried 
on by the two superintendents. Sir William Johnson in the 
North among the Iroquois, and Captain John Stuart in the 
South among the Creeks and Cherokees.^® Johnson had 
three deputies, each of whom received three hundred pounds 
a year. His plan also provided for a commissary, an inter- 
preter, a blacksmith, and missionaries at each central 
place.^^ The value of such missionaries in dealing with the 
Indians was frequently recognized. In 1762 Christian 
Frederick Post was asked by the Governor of Pennsylvania 
to act as his ambassador to the Delaware Indians.^^ 

The close of the French and Indian War marked the be- 
ginning of a new period in colonial affairs. The removal of 
the danger from the French made the colonists more averse 
to the control of internal affairs by the mother country, 
while it gave the Lords of Trade in England what seemed to 
them a freer hand in establishing a uniform system of deal- 
so Farrand 's The Indian Boundary Line in The American Historical Beview, 
Vol. X, pp. 783, 787. 

31 Documents Eelative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VII, pp. 659, 662. 

32 Rice's The Eev. John HecTcewelder in the Ohio Archaeological and His- 
torical Publications, Vol. VII, p. 317. 



ing with Indian trade, western lands, and other related 

According to the plan suggested by the Lords of Trade in 
1763 and 1764, but not adopted, the continent was to be di- 
vided into two departments, each under an agent. All 
provincial laws concerning these matters were to be re- 
pealed and the crown agents were to have charge of all mat- 
ters relating to war, lands, treaties, and all questions con- 
cerning the relations of the whites and the Indians, inde- 
pendent of local or military control. There were to be two 
deputy agents in the South and three in the North. In each 
southern tribe there was to be a commissary, an interpreter, 
and a blacksmith, subject to the supervision of the agent. 
Thus the South was to have the same kind of organization 
that Johnson had used in the North. Four missionaries in 
each district were to reside wherever the agent directed. 
Both agents and commissaries were to be justices of the 
peace and Indians were to' be permitted to testify in court.^^ 
Land could be purchased only at a general meeting presided 
over by an agent, while a commissary might supervise the 
election of a chief. This plan, although approved by Gov- 
ernor Golden and William Johnson, never became a law, 
partly because of the opposition of the Colonies and partly 
because it was estimated that some twenty thousand pounds 
would be required to finance it.^* 

The commissaries, as this plan outlined their duties, more 
nearly resembled the Indian agents of the present time than 
did the so-called agents, for they were resident among the 
Indians while the agents frequently were not. As justices 
of the peace these officers were empowered to settle all dis- 
putes between traders and Indians and between individual 

33 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VII, pp. 634-640. 

3* Dickerson 's American Colonial Government, 1696-1765, pp. 350-354. 


traders, to the amount of ten pounds, but an appeal might be 
taken to the chief agent or superintendent, or to his deputy. 
Johnson, who had a similar system already in operation in 
the North, received a great deal of information from his 
agents in the western posts.^^ 

The Proclamation of 1763 was an attempt to quiet the 
fears of the Indians concerning the westward advance of 
the pioneers. Settlement west of the Allegheny Mountains 
was forbidden and it was made the duty of all military of- 
ficers and ''those Employed in the Management and Direc- 
tion of Indian Affairs, within the Territories reserved as 
aforesaid for the use of said Indians, to seize and appre- 
hend all Persons whatever" who fled to this country to es- 
cape punishment for crimes.^^ 

The period between 1763 and the Eevolutionary War pro- 
duced no new method of dealing with the Indians. Friction 
between the colonial officers and the officers of the Crown 
tended to diminish the respect of the Indians for the whites. 
There seems, also, to have been difficulty between the agents 
and the military authorities, for in 1764 Croghan wrote to 
Alexander McKee that the agents had been made independ- 
ent of the officers at the forts. As the idea of union sprang 
up among the Colonies, so too, the Indian tribes became 
united by the common bond of dislike for the people who 
were crowding them out of their inheritance. 

Johnson and Stuart remained at their posts, and in 1767, 
in a letter to the Earl of Shelburne, J ohnson wrote : 

The Persons I have appointed as Commissarys are Gentlemen of 
understanding and Character known to the Indians and acquainted 
with their dispositions — My three Deputies have each a District 
alloted for their Visitation, and transacting all business subject to 
my directions, but as yet their powers are not at all ascertained, the 

35 Carter's Great Britain and the Illinois Country, 1763-1774, pp. 16-18. 

36 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 18, 19. 



Commissaries have no authority, and it is not in my power to enable 
them to execute their Office as they ought.^''^ 

It was at this critical period that the English government, 
prompted by a spirit of economy attempted to shift the 
conduct of Indian affairs to the colonial governments, 
hoping by this means to transfer the financial burden to the 
colonists, who refused to pay taxes. In 1768 the Earl of 
Hillsborough, English Secretary of State for the Colonies, 
directed J ohnson to entrust the supervision of Indian trade 
to the provincial governments. The military establish- 
ments were likewise decreased and the commissaries and 
smiths were no longer provided for. The two superintend- 
ents were continued at a salary of a thousand pounds an- 
nually and given three thousand pounds for presents and 
incidental expenses. J ohnson protested against the removal 
of his subordinates who were his chief sources of informa- 
tion and petitioned for an additional thousand pounds for 
his three deputies and interpreters,^^ but received no an- 
swer to his protest. In February, 1769, Johnson wrote that 
the order for the removal of the commissaries and smiths 
would soon be obeyed;*^ but when Grovemor Moore of New 
York asked his Assembly for money with which to fill their 
places with colonial officers only one hundred and fifty 
pounds were voted.^^ 

37Hanna's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. II, p. 31; Documents Belative to the 
Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, Vol. VII, p. 893. 

38 The English and the Americans were not the only people who had agents 
among the Indians. Both the French and Spanish had traders and emissaries 
in the Indian country and Johnson speaks of the high character of the French 
agents. — Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, 
Vol. VII, p. 965. 

39 Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, pp. 7, 57, 58, 86. 

40 Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 150. 

41 Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 185. 

VOL. XIV — 2 


The council at Fort Stanwix in October, 1768, reveals the 
various officers connected with Indian affairs at the close 
of the colonial period. At the making of the treaty the 
whites were represented by Sir William Johnson, superin- 
tendent for the Crown, William Franklin, Governor of New 
Jersey, Thomas Walker, commissioner from Virginia, Fred 
Smith, chief justice of New Jersey, Eichard Peters and 
James Tilghman, commissioners from Pennsylvania, George 
Croghan, Daniel Claus, and Guy Johnson, deputy agents, 
and three interpreters.^^ 

In June, 1774, the Indian department in the North con- 
sisted of Sir William Johnson, superintendent and sole 
agent whose salary was 1000 pounds a year, and four depu- 
ties who received 200 pounds each.*^ Information from dis- 
tant tribes was obtained by means of resident agents, such 
as Alexander McKee who was stationed on the Ohio Eiver, 
and through friendly Indians.^* At the death of Sir William 
Johnson in 1774 Guy Johnson, his son-in-law who had been 
deputy agent, was made his successor.*^ 

Thus the administration of Indian affairs in colonial 
times exhibits the two elements so important in the develop- 
ment of all phases of American government: (1) centraliza- 
tion of authority, represented by the crown superintendent ; 
and (2) diffusion of power, represented by the provincial 
commissioners and agents whose interests were limited to 
their particular colonies. 

It is with these agents — the men who lived among the 
Indians and worked with them personally — that this paper 

*2 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 112. 

43 Bocuments Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 455. 

4*Griffis's Sir William Johnson, p. 220; Hanna's The Wilderness Trail, Vol. 
II, p. 25. 

45 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 489. 



is concerned. Those who represented the Crown were more 
regularly employed than those who represented the gov- 
ernment in most of the Colonies ; otherwise there was little 
difference, and men like George Croghan and Christopher 
Gist were sometimes employed by the Colonies and some- 
times by the crown superintendent. They were by turns 
traders, interpreters, messengers, special envoys, and ex- 


At the outbreak of war between England and the Amer- 
ican Colonies both sides were anxious to secure the friend- 
ship of the Indians. The British government retained the 
system already established and its emissaries were busy 
with promises and presents. Colonel Guy Johnson removed 
the missionaries of the dissenting churches from among the 
Iroquois*^ because his chief difi&culty with this confederacy 
came from a village where a New England missionary had 
been stationed;*'^ furthermore, the association of religious 
dissent and political rebellion was recognized. British 
agents among the southern Indians precipitated the strug- 
gle for Kentucky and Tennessee. The Virginians, however, 
recognized the danger of losing Kentucky, and one of the 
incidents of the border war at this time was the invasion of 
the Cherokee country in the hope of capturing Alexander 
Cameron, the British agent among the Cherokees.^^ 

Possibly the people of that time exaggerated the im- 
portance of the work of these British Indian agents, but the 
border massacres which they sometimes instigated created 
more bitter feeling against the mother country than did the 

*6 James 's George Rogers ClarTc Papers, p. xv, in the Illinois Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. VIII. 

47 Documents Belative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 657. 

48 Hulbert 's Historic Highways of America, Vol. VI, pp. 149, 152 ; Eamsey 's 
Annals of Tennessee, pp. 143, 144. 


campaigns of Howe and Cornwallis. In 1778 these words 
appear on the record of Congress : "That from the presence 
of Mr. Butler and Mr. Magee, two of the British agents for 
Indian affairs, amongst the Indians .... it appears 
incontestibly that this cruel war has been industriously in- 
stigated, and is still prosecuting with unrelenting perse- 
verence, by principal officers in the service of the king of 
Great Britain, particularly by Colonel Hamilton".*^ One of 
the conditions of the treaty with the Six Nations in 1779 was 
the expulsion of the British agents and emissaries.^*^ Ten 
years after the close of the Revolution, President Washing- 
ton declared that ''All the difficulties we encounter with the 
Indians, their hostilities, the murder of helpless women and 
children along all our frontiers, results from the conduct of 
the agents of Great Britain in this country. "^^ 

To these groups of officers representing the governments 
of England and of the various Colonies or States the Revo- 
lutionary War added still another. The United Colonies, 
later the United States, soon organized a system of Indian 
affairs and attempted to counteract the influence of the Brit- 
ish agents. Several conditions made this undertaking un- 
usually difficult. The Colonies themselves were jealous of 
centralized control, for each one wished the monopoly of 
Indian trade and lands for itself. Money for the required 
presents was often lacking and the Indians feared the west- 
ward expansion of the Americans which continued even 
during the war. 

The newly organized States continued to employ the sys- 
tem of administering Indian affairs which the Colonies had 
inaugurated. The representatives of the individual Com- 

*9 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
XI, p. 587. 

^0 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
XV, p. 1320. 

51 Hulbert's Historic Highways of America, Vol. VI, p. 157. 



monwealths were first of all to look after the interests of 
their own States, but sometimes they assisted in the work 
planned by Congress. In the instructions given to Nathan- 
iel Gist in March, 1778, he was directed to engage inter- 
preters and to induce Indians and frontiersmen to enlist; 
and he was told that in order to ''accomplish this business 
with the greater ease and certainty, the agents from the dif- 
ferent states, residing in the Indian countries for the man- 
aging of Indian affairs, are desired and directed to give you 
all possible assistance. "^^ 

The second Continental Congress appointed a committee 
on Indian affairs on June 16, 1775, and resolved that, al- 
though the United Colonies preferred that the Indians 
should remain neutral, the Colonies ought to make an alli- 
ance with the Indian tribes if British agents incited the 
natives to hostilities.^^ 

Soon after this the Congress provided for the administra- 
tion of Indian affairs by dividing the territory into three 
departments. The northern department included the Six 
Nations and the Indians north of them; the southern, the 
Cherokees and the Indians to the south ; and the middle de- 
partment embraced the territory between the other two. In 
organizing the administration in these departments the 
Congress followed the old colonial policy of appointing 
commissioners rather than the British plan of entrusting 
Indian administration to a single superintendent. The sum 
of ten thousand dollars was granted to the commissioners 
in the South for presents and expenses, while two-thirds of 
that amount was assigned to each of the other departments. 
These boards of commissioners — made up of three or five 
men, often representatives of the Colonies — were to have 

52 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
X, pp. 228, 229. 

Si Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
II, pp. 93, 123. 


power to appoint assistants from among the Indian tribes, 
and "agents" who were to reside near or among the In- 
dians, watch the King's superintendents and their deputies 
or agents, and arrest them if necessary.^^ Among these 
commissioners were Benjamin Franklin, Patrick Henry, 
Philip Schuyler, and Oliver Wolcott.^^ 

The commissioners used the old and well known methods 
of dealing with the Indians. In addition to the official 
agents, they employed many men who were personally in- 
fluential among the Indians because of their profession or 
occupation. For example, in November, 1775, Rev. Samuel 
Kirkland was paid $113 for his influence in bringing In- 
dians to a council at Albany and a salary of $289 a year as a 
missionary.^^ The northern commissioners were directed 
to hire two blacksmiths to reside among the Six Nations and 
to provide an interpreter who was to receive $222.20 per 
year.^^ On April 10, 1776, it was voted that a minister of 
the gospel, a schoolmaster, and a blacksmith should be em- 
ployed at reasonable salaries, to reside among the Delaware 
Indians.^^ The commissioners were also instructed to ask 
Jacob Fowler, a missionary among the Montauk Indians, 
and Joseph Johnson of the Mohegans upon what terms they 
would reside among the Six Nations and instruct them in 
the Christian religion.^^ In the eyes of the members of the 

5i Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
II, pp. 175, 176. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 

II, p. 183. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 

III, p. 351. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 

III, p. 366. 

5S Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 
rV, p. 267. 

69 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 

IV, p. 111. 



Congress, the Christian religion and the American cause 
were evidently synonymous terms. 

Although use was made of as many auxiliary agencies as 
possible, the chief reliance was upon the work of official 
representatives who were usually traders or military of- 
ficers. Their official employment was often temporary and 
the salaries were uncertain. Like the colonial agents, they 
had charge of the work among certain Indians and the terri- 
tory under their jurisdiction was unlimited. The appoint- 
ments were made by the commissioners of the departments, 
often under the direction of Congress. 

Among the Indian agents who served during the war Col- 
onel George Morgan, a trader of some note, seems to have 
been unusually successful and was noted for his generosity 
and strict honesty — qualities rare among Indian agents 
and much admired by the Indians. He was appointed agent 
for the middle department by Congress in 1776. His policy 
is expressed in these words taken from his Letter Booh for 
July 30, 1776 : "We shall ever hold it our duty to exert our 
utmost influence to prevent hostilities and to promote peace 
and Harmony with the Indian Tribes."^*' Some of the du- 
ties assigned him illustrate the work performed by the 
agents at that period. At one time he was directed to dis- 
tribute a ton of powder ' ' to such Indians as the agent shall 
be convinced are in our interest."*'^ At another time Mor- 
gan was empowered to purchase two horses, with saddles 
and bridles, for Captain White Eyes, an influential and 
friendly chief.^^ jje was also required to settle disputes 

60 James 's George Rogers Clark Papers, pp. xvii, xviii, xxx, in the Illinois 
Historical Collections, Vol. VIII. 

«^ Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
IV, p. 318. 

^2 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 
rV, p. 268. 


concerning land purchases, some of which were west of the 
Ohio River. 

The salaries of the men who represented the United 
States were usually less than those paid by the Crown. The 
agents were appointed by the Congress for special work 
and for indefinite periods ; and their salaries were apparent- 
ly even more indefinite. In one place it is recorded that 
Congress voted $400^* to an agent in the middle department 
for expenditures, but the period of time for which he was 
employed was not specified. At another time Robert Yates, 
secretary of Indian affairs for the Commissioners, was ap- 
pointed at the annual salary of $250.^^ Later in the war 
James Deane, agent and interpreter for the commissioners 
in the North, received an annual salary of $600 and $10,000 
for goods for the Indian trade.^^ 

The regulation of Indian trade was an important ques- 
tion at a time when the friendship of the Indians was so 
much desired. Congress found great difficulty in satisfying 
the demands of the Indians for goods and presents. An at- 
tempt was made to import goods on the credit of the United 
States and have them sold by licensed traders at prices fixed 
by the commissioners, and at posts chosen by theni. To pre- 
vent the exploitation of the Indians, it was resolved that 
*'no Traders ought to go into the Indian country without 
licence from the agent in the department ; and that care be 
taken by him to prevent exorbitant prices for goods being 
exacted from the Indians. "^'^ The distribution of food was 

63 Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
XII, p. 1180. 

6^ Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 
V, p. 786. 

6^ Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 
rV, p. 260. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
XI, p. 456. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition). Vol. 
IV, pp. 97, 318. 



an important factor in retaining the good will of the In- 
dians, and this was one of the duties of the agents. On 
August 18, 1779, John Todd wrote from the Illinois country 
asking for an additional agent to distribute food to the In- 
dians and recommended a Monsieur Perrault for this posi- 

Because of lack of funds and because of the close relation 
between military affairs and the Indian department, it was 
suggested at one time that the commanding officers at the 
western posts should be invested with the powers of agent,"^ 
but this plan did not become the general policy. 

The close of the Eevolutionary War made Indian affairs 
of less importance, but some permanent plan of administra- 
tion was needed. General Washington wrote to James 
Duane in 1783 : ' ' How far agents for Indian affairs are in- 
dispensably necessary, I shall not take upon me to decide ; 
but, if any should be appointed, their powers should be cir- 
cumscribed, accurately defined, and themselves rigidly pun- 
ished for every infraction of them. A recurrence to the 
conduct of these people, under the British administration of 
Indian affairs, will manifest the propriety of this caution". 
He also suggested that agents should be given ample sal- 
aries and that they should not be allowed to trade.™ 

In July, 1786, Congress revoked the commissions of the 
Indian commissioners and by an ordinance passed on 
August 7, 1786, reorganized Indian affairs. The territory 
of the United States was divided into two districts, sep- 
arated by the Ohio Eiver. Each district was in charge of a 
bonded superintendent, who received $1000 annually. The 

68 James 's George Bogers Clark Papers, pp. 357, 358, in the Illinois Historical 
Collections, Vol. VIII. 

Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of Congress edition), Vol. 
XIX, pp. 281, 282. 

70 Sparks 's Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. VIII, p. 481. 


northern superintendent was to appoint two deputies who 
were to receive $500 a year, and these officers were to reside 
in or near their districts and report to Congress through the 
Secretary of War. Among their duties were the regulation 
of trade, the licensing of traders, the reporting of evidences 
of hostility, and the distribution of presentsJ^ Their term 
of office was to be two years, but at the expiration of that 
period Congress made temporary appointments for short 
periods until the new Constitution went into effect and the 
new administration began. 

No important change in the Indian department took place 
at this time, nor was there a definite Indian policy adopted. 
The term ''agent" was still used indiscriminately of any 
representative of the government among the Indians, 
whether he were a man of influence or a half-breed trader 
who lived among the Indians by preference and served the 
government only occasionally. In their official capacity, 
these "agents" were diplomatic rather than philanthropic, 
acting for the benefit of their own governments without 
much thought as to the well-being of the Indians. 

The Indian had been considered an important factor in 
the struggle between France and England and between the 
Colonies and the mother country. He had been bribed, 
threatened, and cajoled by "agents" from the various coun- 
tries, and he was still considered dangerous on the fron- 
tiers. To the settler he was an impediment to progress ; to 
the trader he afforded an opportunity for personal ag- 
grandizement. A few people believed that he might be civil- 
ized ; but even men like Washington, who had declared again 
and again that justice and honesty must be our policy, 
looked forward to ultimate extinction as a solution of the 
difficult problem. The danger from a foreign alliance with 

71 Journals of the American Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, pp. 
664, 677, 678, 679. 



the Indians was over, temporarily, and the acquisition of 
land and the extension of trade became the chief incentive 
in the conduct of Indian affairs. 

INDIAN AGENTS, 1789-1849 

When the Federal Constitution went into effect in 1789 
the question of Indian affairs was not considered of imme- 
diate importance, and the old plan of sending agents to the 
Indians only when it was absolutely necessary was contin- 
ued. When the office of Secretary of War was created by 
the act of August 7, 1789, Indian aifairs were assigned to 
that department, but it was not until much later that any 
administrative work was taken up. The only demand for 
agents among the Indians seems to have arisen out of the 
need of regulating Indian trade, and this regulation was 
provided for in 1790 by giving the President power to ap- 
point a superintendent who should have the authority to 
license traders for periods of two years.'^^ 

The first act of Congress directly providing for Indian 
agents was the one approved on March 1, 1793, which gave 
the President power to provide presents and to "appoint 
such persons, from time to time, as temporary agents, to 
reside among the Indians, as he shall think proper"; but 
the expenses were not to exceed $20,000. The provision 
concerning the appointment of agents was repeated in 1796 
and again in 1802, but the amount appropriated for pres- 
ents was $15,000 a year, and this was the annual expenditure 
until 1818.^3 

Economy was one of the chief characteristics of the ad- 
ministration of Indian affairs during the early years under 
the Constitution. In June, 1792, Secretary Knox wrote to 
General Chapin, a deputy agent, that ''the system of Indian 

72 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, pp. 50, 137. 

73 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, pp. 331, 472 ; Vol. II, p. 143. 


expenses and allowances are by no means to be measured by 
the helter-skelter conduct which was observed under the late 
management, which, in several instances, were unjustifiably 
expensive. ' ' James Seagrove, the agent to the Creeks, was 
criticized for extravagant estimates of the amount of money 
required for his agency, and also for holding councils with 
the Indians outside their country, where the members of the 
tribes who attended had to be fed by the government and 
furnished with presents to take home. In general, the 
agents were expected to keep the Indians in good humor, at 
as little expense as possible to the government; and it was 
their business to calculate how far the white settlers could 
force their way into the Indian country without causing open 

Since Indian wars were dreaded by the government, it 
was the policy of those in authority to keep as many men as 
possible somewhere in the Indian country, or near enough 
to the Indians to enable them to report all action on the part 
of the tribesmen. Many of the early treaties made provision 
for the maintenance of white men among the Indians, and 
theoretically for their benefit. Article twelve of the treaty 
made with the Creeks in August, 1790, provided that in or- 
der that ' ' the Creek nation may be led to a greater degree of 
civilization, and to become herdsmen and cultivators, in- 
stead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States 
will, from time to time, furnish gratuitously the said nation 
with useful domestic animals, and implements of husbandry. 
And further, to assist the said nation in so desirable a pur- 
suit, and at the same time to establish a certain mode of 
communication, the United States will send such, and so 
many persons, to reside in said nation, as they may judge 
proper, and not exceeding four in number, who shall qualify 
themselves to act as interpreters. These persons shall have 

74 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, pp. 237, 254. 



lands assigned them by the Creeks for cultivation, for them- 
selves and their successors in office ; but they shall be pre- 
cluded exercising any kind of traffic. ' ' '^^ 

A persistent effort was made to convince the Indians that 
such representatives were sent entirely for their benefit and 
that their appointment was really a great favor to the In- 
dians. President Washington sent a message to the Sen- 
ecas in 1790, promising to send an agent to them who should 
reside near them and to whom they could apply for advice 
and assistance. In fact, the Indians themselves were in- 
clined to look upon the appointment of a white man as their 
agent, as an honor to them, partly because they recognized 
the superiority of the white race, and partly because such 
an officer was able to transmit their complaints to the Pres- 
ident. The natives were beginning to recognize their in- 
feriority to the white men, especially in business transac- 
tions, and they were still confident that the government 
could compel the traders and land speculators to deal fairly 
with them. An illustration of this confidence is to be found 
in the request of the Cherokees in 1792 that a person of rep- 
utation should reside among them as their counsellor and 
protector. These requests for agents were not, however, 
always spontaneous, for Secretary Knox, in his instructions 
to the commissioners, who were sent to make peace with the 
Ohio Indians in 1793, directed them to induce the Indians to 
permit agents to reside among them as "protectors and 

Many of the agents at this time were frontiersmen or 
traders ; some were military officers ; while a few were men 
of education and refinement who believed in the possibility 
of civilizing the Indians. The position at this time required 
men who were aggressive and fearless, for it was often nec- 

75 American State Papers, Indian Afairs, Vol. I, p. 82. 

76 American State Papers, Indian Afairs, Vol. I, pp. 143, 245, 341. 


essary to decide quickly and there was no provision for any 
protection for the agent, except the possibility of war. All 
agents were required to live among the Indians to whom 
they were assigned. They did not, however, always con- 
form to this requirement, for the Creeks complained that 
their agent, James Seagrove, remained outside the nation 
and derived his information from interpreters and assist- 
ants who were frequently traders. Seagrove admitted that 
he had remained outside the Indian country, but declared 
that he could not reside among the Indians with safety, for 
Governor Telfair of Georgia often aroused the hostility of 
the Indians by coercive measures, without paying any at- 
tention to the United States officials.'''^ 

Since the agents were usually sent to the Indians in ac- 
cordance with treaty provisions, it is clear that their status 
depended largely upon the agreement made with the par- 
ticular tribe. For the most part their duties related to the 
Indian trade and to the settlement of disputes between the 
Indians and the whites. They were also frequently called 
upon to persuade the Indians to cede lands or to permit 
forts or roads to be constructed within their territory. For 
example, Return J. Meigs, an Indian agent in the South, 
was chiefly employed in persuading the Cherokees to relin- 
quish some of their lands, or at least to permit a road to be 
laid out through their country. The methods employed were 
not always such as to convince the Indians of the superior 
morality of the white officials. In this case, Meigs was or- 
dered to offer **Vann", a Cherokee chief, some special in- 
ducements ; and thus the concession was finally obtained in 

An interesting account of the work done among the 
Creeks in 1801 was given by Benjamin Hawkins, chief agent 

77 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, pp. 371, 409. 

78 Fifth An7iual Beport of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 187. 



or superintendent south of the Ohio Eiver. He had ar- 
ranged for the holding of a council annually in May, to 
which the Indians sent delegates. The agent kept the rec- 
ords of the council and had the right to enter the council- 
house and speak at any time, and when he was not present 
one of his deputies or interpreters took his place, for the 
Indians were accustomed to remain in the council-house day 
and night, eating, sleeping, and debating as they pleased. 
It was the duty of the agent to furnish supplies of beef, 
corn, beans, and salt to the assembled Indians. Hawkins 
had also introduced sheep-raising ; and he employed a wom- 
an to teach the Indian women how to spin, and a young man 
to make looms and to teach the trade of weaving. In this 
case a State officer had been entrusted with the power of 
licensing traders and when he failed to do so, the agent had 
permitted trade to be carried on without licenses. Two 
public establishments were maintained — one among the 
Upper Creeks and one in the country of the Lower Creeks. 
At each of these a blacksmith was employed, working under 
the direction of the agent. Disputes were settled by three 
men appointed by the agent if the parties were white men, 
but by the agent himself if one of the parties was an In- 

The number of men employed in the Indian department 
in the early days was much smaller than the importance of 
Indian affairs seemed to require. According to a report 
submitted to Congress in 1802 the personnel consisted of a 
superintendent south of the Ohio, Benjamin Hawkins, who 
received $2000 a year; four agents whose salaries ranged 
from $800 to $1200 a year ; one assistant agent ; and eight 
interpreters who were paid $300 a year. The agents were 
assigned to the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and the 
northwestern Indians. Besides these officers, the Terri- 

79 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, pp. 646-648. 


torial Governors were ex officio Superintendents of Indian 
Affairs in their respective Territories ; and Arthur St. Clair, 
Governor of the Northwest Territory, William H. Harrison, 
Governor of Indiana Territory, and W. C. C. Claiborne, 
Governor of Mississippi Territory received $2000 each for 
their services as Governor and superintendent.^*' 

Land transfers were usually arranged by special commis- 
sioners, although agents were sometimes given permission 
to make such agreements in very much the same way that 
regular diplomatic representatives to foreign countries are 
sometimes instructed to make treaties. In 1808, for ex- 
ample, Pierre Chouteau, agent for the Osages, was specially 
commissioned by Meriwether Lewis, Governor and super- 
intendent for Missouri Territory, to make a treaty with the 
Indians. By this treaty the United States agreed to furnish 
the Osages with merchandise, a blacksmith and tools, uten- 
sils of husbandry, a grist-mill and other necessities of civil- 
ization, in return for a portion of their lands.®^ 

The number of men employed at the agencies increased 
rapidly. In 1816 there were fifteen agents and ten sub- 
agents employed by the government, the salaries of the 
former ranging from $600 to $1200, and those of the latter 
from $300 to $819. The entire list of agents is as follows : 

John Jamison 



Nicholas Boilvin 

Prairie du Chien 


"William Coehe 

Chickasaw Agency 

Erastus Granger 



Benjamin Stickney 

Fort Wayne 


John Johnston 



Return J. Meigs 

Cherokee Agency 


John McKee 



Charles Jouett 



John Bowyer 

Green Bay 


80 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. I, pp. 305, 313. 

81 Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 95-99. 



Peter Chouteau 



Wm. L. Lovely 



Benjamin 'Fallon 



Wm. H. Puthuff 



Richard Graham 



Sub-agents were listed 

as follows: 

Maurice Blondeau 

Missouri Terr. 

$ oOU 

Thomas Fonyth [Forsyth] 

Missouri Terr. 


Peter Menana 

Missouri Terr. 


]\Ianuel Lisa 

Missouri Terr. 


Gabriel Godfrey 

Michigan Terr. 


Whitmore Knaggs 

Michigan Terr. 


John Johnson 

Ft. Madison 


Jasper Parish 

Six Nations 


Benjamin Parke 

Illinois Terr. 


Philemon Hawkins 

Port Hawkins 


The only difference between the agents and the sub-agents 
seems to have been a matter of salary and position. The 
officer sent to one place might be called an agent ; while the 
person sent to another place might be listed as a sub-agent 
and paid about half as much as the agent, although he seems 
to have had about the same duties to perform. Provided 
originally as assistants to the agents, the sub-agents soon 
came to have special posts assigned them where they became 
virtually independent in their administration of affairs. 
Like the agents they reported to the superintendents or to 
the Secretary of War. 

The importance of the Indian agent during the early part 
of the nineteenth century was somewhat diminished by the 
appointment of another group of men whose sole duty was 
the maintenance of trading-houses. This "Factory Sys- 
tem" as it was called, grew out of the desire of the Amer- 
icans to draw the Indian trade away from the British in the 
Northwest. These government trading-houses were estab- 

82 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. II, p. 338. 

VOL. XIV — 3 


lished by an act of April 18, 1796, with a capital of $150,000. 
Private trade was not prohibited, but it was hoped that pri- 
vate traders could not compete with the government-owned 
factories and would give up their business or at least fur- 
nish goods more cheaply. This system put the regulation of 
Indian trade in the hands of the factors instead of the agents 
and thus divided the prestige of the men who represented 
the government among the Indians. The factories empha- 
sized the commercial relations with the Indians and some- 
what diminished their respect for their " Great Father", 
since he now appeared to them as a trader. Although the 
factors were sometimes referred to as agents, they consti- 
tuted a separate class of officials under a Superintendent of 
Trade and performed duties entirely distinct from those of 
the regular agents. Indeed, the factory system was gener- 
ally opposed by the agents who sympathized with the fur 
companies and private traders rather than with the United 
States factors. Many of the agents had been traders and 
they often returned to this work when they ceased to act as 
agents. Such men as Pierre Menard, Pierre Chouteau, and 
Nicholas Boilvin were naturally in favor of private enter- 
prise, and Indian agents were often witnesses against the 
factory system in Congressional investigations,^^ One of 
these men. Major Benjamin 'Fallon, had received his posi- 
tion partly through the influence of J ohn Jacob Astor, while 
one of the other witnesses was Ramsay Crooks, one of 
Astor 's partners,^* 

The opposition of the fur companies and of the regular 
agents became too powerful for the indifferent supporters 
of the government factories and at last, after a precarious 
existence, the factory system was abolished by the act of 

83 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 452; Benton's Abridgement of 
the Delates of Congress, Vol. VII, pp. 182-186. 

siComan's Government Factories in the American Economic Association Pa- 
pers and Discussions, 1911, p. 381. 



March 3, 1821, which went into effect on June 3, 1822.^5 
Provision was then made for winding up the affairs of the 
factories and for the sale of the buildings. Henceforth pri- 
vate traders and employees of the fur companies furnished 
the Indians with goods, except those supplied by the United 
States government as presents or annuities, while the In- 
dian agents became more important in the management of 
the Indian tribes. Two years later Richard Graham, an 
Indian agent, testified that the abolition of the factory sys- 
tem had had no bad effects west of the Mississippi River; 
and Joshua Pilcher, a partner in the Missouri Fur Company, 
declared that the tribes among which he traded had never 
even heard of it. He recommended that trading-posts 
should be selected by the agent and visited by him with suf- 
ficient escort to convince the Indians of his importance.^^ 

In the meantime the regular Indian service had been more 
definitely provided for. Two acts, approved on April 16 
and 20, 1818, directed that Indian agents were to be appoint- 
ed by the President with the consent of the Senate ; definite- 
ly fixed their salaries; and included a list of the Indian 
tribes to which agents were to be sent. The agents to the 
Creeks and Choctaws were given $1800 a year ; the agent to 
the Cherokees on the Arkansas River and the agent at 
Green Bay each received $1500 ; the agent at Mackinac was 
given $1400; the agents stationed among the Cherokees on 
the Tennessee, among the Chickasaws, and at Chicago re- 
ceived $1300 each; while the agents at Prairie du Chien, 
Natchitoches, Vincennes, Fort Wayne, among the Lake In- 
dians, and among the Missouri tribes were each given $1200 
a year. Sub-agents were to be paid $500. Neither agents 
nor sub-agents were to receive the rations which had f ormer- 

85 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill, p. 641. 

86 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 453, 456, 457. 


ly been furnished them, and the salaries were to be in full 
payment for all services.^'^ 

During the next year an important step was taken in an 
activity which has since been closely associated with the 
work of the Indian agent and has sometimes absorbed it. 
This was the appropriation of $10,000 for the instruction of 
the Indians in agriculture, reading, writing, and arith- 
metic.^® Although this provision had previously been made 
in the case of special treaties, it had not been followed as a 
general policy. At first the sum appropriated was consid- 
ered too small to be used independently and was used by the 
President to aid schools already established by benevolent 
societies and churches.®^ An interesting comment on the 
attitude of the Indians towards this often unwelcome civil- 
izing process is to be found in a report of Jedidiah Morse, 
submitted to the Secretary of War in 1822 after a trip 
through the Northwest. He recommended that the agent 
should live among the tribe to which he was assigned, have a 
comfortable house and council-room, and employ a black- 
smith and carpenter. A small farm should be cultivated 
upon which domestic animals could be raised, but this farm 
must be ostensibly for the benefit of the agent, for if the In- 
dians were to suspect that an effort was being made to civil- 
ize them, they would resent it and refuse to profit by the 
work of the agent.''^ Morse's ideal Indian agent was very 
similar to a modern social settlement worker, but few men 
with such principles could be secured and the agents, as a 
rule, preferred precept to practice. 

The duties of the Indian agents were numerous enough, 
however, without this educational work, although the num- 

87 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill, pp. 428, 461. 

88 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill, pp. 516, 517, 

89 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 201. 

90 Morse 's Beport to the Secretary of War, on Indian Affairs, pp. 58, 59. 



ber of men employed increased rapidly. They reported 
claims made for injuries inflicted by the Indians upon the 
whites and by the whites upon Indians, made lists of the 
Indians to whom rations should be issued, arranged for the 
visits of chiefs to Washington, and were supposed to make 
quarterly reports of their expenditures.^ ^ In addition to 
their other duties agents were frequently called upon to set- 
tle disputes between hostile tribes and to protect their wards 
from the incursions of other Indians, as well as from the en- 
croachments of the pioneers. In 1821 Major Benjamin 
O 'Fallon, agent on the Missouri River, made a speech to the 
Sacs at St. Louis in which he ordered them to cease making 
war on the Otoes, Missouris, and Omahas who belonged to 
his agency.''^ 

The agents in dealing with the Indian tribes were to the 
government at Washington what fingers are to a blind per- 
son. They were both the source of information and the 
means of execution. They were dual representatives. To 
the Indians they represented the Great Father at Washing- 
ton ; while they were often the only means by which the In- 
dian side of a question was made known to the men in 
authority. Stephen H. Long wrote that *'much depends 
upon the course pursued by the agents of the United States. 
If the character of these is dignified, energetic, and fearless, 
they will certainly meet that respect from the natives which 
is due to the importance of their missions. But .... 
if their conduct is deficient in promptness, energy, and de- 
cision; if their measures are paralyzed by personal fear of 
the desperadoes, whom they must necessarily encounter 
. . . . their counsels will fall unheeded in the assemblies 
which they address. "^^ 

91 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 269, 270. 

82 Thwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XIV, p. 314. 

93 Ttwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XIV, pp. 313, 314. 


During the year 1821-1822 the Indian Department con- 
sisted of three Territorial Grovernors, each of whom was ex 
officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs and received $1500 
a year for this duty, seventeen Indian agents receiving sal- 
aries ranging from $1200 to $1800 a year, and twenty-five 
sub-agents, some of whom were appointed by the agents and 
some by the War Department. In case these sub-agents 
acted as interpreters, they received the interpreter's salary 
in addition to the $500 fixed by law. Besides these officers, 
there were thirty-four interpreters, whose total salaries 
were $13,192.60. The four interpreters to the Creeks were 
provided for by treaty and received from $200 to $400. 
These interpreters and the twenty-one blacksmiths were ap- 
pointed by the superintendents or agents.^* During this 
year, however, the superintendency of William Clark, Gov- 
ernor of the Territory of Missouri, was discontinued; the 
agency at Vincennes was abandoned, because the Indians 
had emigrated; and the sub-agencies at Edwardsville, Illi- 
nois, and at Fort Osage were abolished by the Secretary of 
War. As fast as agencies were discontinued in the East, 
however, new ones were necessary in the West. An act of 
May 6, 1822, provided for the appointment of a Superin- 
tendent of Indian Atfairs at St. Louis at a salary of $1500 
and gave superintendents and agents power to grant licenses 
to traders who might be required to give bonds as high as 
$5000. These licenses were good for two years if to nearby 
tribes, and for seven years if to remote tribes. Indian 
agents, Governors of Territories, and military officers were 
to inspect goods suspected of including liquor and all pur- 
chases of goods to be given as annuities were to be made by 
agents or Territorial Governors. Provision was also made 
for an agent to the Florida Indians, at a salary of $1500.^^ 

9i American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 364-366. 
95 America7i State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 364, 365; United States 
Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill, pp. 682, 683. 



One of the agents appointed at this time was Henry R. 
Schoolcraft, whose residence was at Sault Ste. Marie. In 
1824 Secretary Calhoun reported eighteen agents and twen- 
ty-two sub-agents, but asked for the appointment of two 
additional agents, one for the Delawares, Kickapoos, Shaw- 
nees, Weas, Piankashaws, and Peorias who lived on the 
White Eiver and in Missouri, and one for the Osages upon 
the Arkansas. He reported that in accordance with the law 
all Indian agents were permanently located among or near 
the tribes to which they were accredited, except Major 
Richard Graham, Indian agent for the tribes in Missouri, 
who was at St. Louis until buildings could be erected. Con- 
cerning Graham the Secretary added that "it is understood 
that he is among the Indians of his agency twice a year, at 
those periods when they are at their villages, and continues 
with them until they leave them on their hunting excursions, 
in which they are represented to be, for the greater part of 
their time, engaged. "^"^ 

By an act approved on May 25, 1824, Congress provided 
for two more sub-agents on the Upper Missouri and fixed 
their salary at $800. Agents were required to designate 
places for trading and to compel traders to remain there. 
The superintendent at St. Louis was given the same powers 
over the agents within his district that the Governors of the 
Territories had as Superintendents of Indian Affairs. An 
act approved on the following day appropriated $26,500 for 
the salaries of the superintendent at St. Louis and the 
agents, $13,100 for sub-agents, $10,000 for presents, and 
$95,000 for contingent expenses.®'^ In the report of the 
Treasurer for the first three quarters of the year 1825, how- 
ever, the amount drawn from the treasury for the pay of 
Indian agents was $43,318.19 ; sub-agents received $19,461.- 

96 American State Papers, Indian Afairs, Vol. II, pp. 449, 450. 

97 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 35, 36. 


65 ; while the amount for presents was $18,728.23. The total 

expenditure in the Indian service for this period was 

The appropriations were slightly increased by later acts, 
but there was little change in the department until 1832. A 
suggestion of dishonesty among Indian agents and officers 
is found in the proviso added to most of these bills, that 
money should not be paid to those whose accounts were in 
arrears ; by an appropriation in 1831 of $61,000 to cover ar- 
rearages in accounts made by authorized government 
agents; and by the provision, in 1832, that agents, acting 
under orders outside their agencies, should receive only 
actual expenses in addition to their regular salaries.^^ 

The administration of Indian affairs during the early 
years under the Constitution was rendered difficult by the 
lack of clearly defined powers. The authority of agents to 
enforce regulations without specific orders from the Presi- 
dent was disputed and there was even a question as to what 
constituted Indian country. The furnishing of liquor to the 
Indians had been forbidden for many years, but lack of 
authority, as well as lack of inclination, usually resulted in 
nullifying the law. With the growth of the United States, a 
change had taken place in the attitude of the people toward 
the Indians. The legal fiction of Indian sovereignty was 
maintained, but the frontiersmen who were largely in con- 
trol of the government by 1830, were chiefly interested in 
moving the Indians westward as rapidly as possible. 

In order to more clearly define the authority of agents 
and to provide more adequately for the administration of 
Indian affairs which had assumed unusual prominence as a 
result of the westward movement. Congress passed the act 

88 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 650. 

99 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 150, 433, 519, 520. 



of July 9, 1832, by which the office of Commissioner of In- 
dian Affairs was created. This officer, who was to have gen- 
eral supervision over the Indian superintendents and agents, 
was to be appointed by the President, with the approval of 
the Senate, and was to receive a salary of $3000 a year. The 
importation of liquor into the Indian country was absolutely 
forbidden, and the Secretary of War was directed to dis- 
continue such agencies as the emigration of the Indians had 
made unnecessary.^"*^ The general plan of administration 
under this system was as follows: several agencies were 
under the supervision of one superintendent, who, in turn, 
was responsible to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who 
was subordinate to the Secretary of War. Some of the 
agents, however, were not included in any of the superin- 
tendencies and were responsible directly to the Commis- 
sioner. Two years later, the law governing the field service 
among the Indians was rewritten and the Department of 
Indian Affairs was established. The traders' licenses, 
granted by agents and superintendents, were to be good for 
two years for the region east of the Mississippi River and 
for three years if in the West. The agents could grant li- 
censes only to American citizens, but the President might 
grant permission for traders to employ foreign boatmen. 
The place at which the trade was to be carried on must be 
designated in the license, and a bond of $5000 must be fur- 
nished by the trader. All licenses were to be reported by 
the agents to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and any- 
one trading without a license was to forfeit his goods and 
pay a $500 fine. 

Superintendents, agents, and sub-agents were given au- 
thority to remove intruders from the Indian country, and 
if necessary the military force might be employed to accom- 
plish this result. Any foreigner found in the Indian coun- 

100 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 564. 


try without a permit from the superintendent, agent, or 
officer at the nearest military post, was to be fined $1000. 
In case horses or goods were stolen by the Indians, the 
superintendent or agent was to make application to the In- 
dians for satisfaction, and if this was not received he was to 
report the case to the Commissioner who was to decide on 
further measures. The annuities to the tribe might be held 
for security until the affair was settled, but it was preferred 
that the actual criminals should be arrested and a military 
force might be used. The agents and military officers might 
search boats or other means of transportation for liquor and 
it was made their duty to break up distilleries within their 
agencies. Two new agents for the western country were 
under the supervision of the President, instead of the super- 
intendent at St. Louis. One of these agents might be made 
superintendent, but without additional salary. 

The Territorial Governors of Florida, Arkansas, and 
Michigan were to cease acting as Superintendents of Indian 
Affairs and the superintendent at St. Louis was to have 
charge of all the region west of the Mississippi River and 
not included in some State or Territory. Agents were to be 
appointed as before, for a term of four years, give bonds of 
$2000, and receive a salary of $1500. The twelve agents 
were to be stationed among the western Indians, the eastern 
Cherokees, the Florida and Indiana Indians, and at Chicago, 
Eock Island, Prairie du Chien, Michilimackinac and Sault 
Ste. Marie, Saint Peter's, and on the Upper Missouri. The 
Florida and Cherokee agencies were to be discontinued after 
December 31, 1834 ; while those at Chicago and Rock Island 
and the one among the Indiana Indians were to be closed 
after December 31, 1836. All agencies not provided for by 
this act might be closed at any time by the President. The 
agents were required to reside within or near the territory 
of the tribes for which they were appointed, at a place des- 



ignated by the President, and were not to leave the agency 
without permission. 

The President might require a military officer to execute 
the duties of Indian agent. Furthermore, a sufficient num- 
ber of sub-agents were to be appointed by the President, at a 
salary of $750 each. They were required to give a bond of 
$1000 and to reside wherever the President might direct, 
but no sub-agent was to be appointed in an agency wherein 
an agent was stationed. The boundaries of each agency and 
sub-agency were to be established by the Secretary of War 
and might be either tribal or geographical. Within the lim- 
its of his district each agent or sub-agent was to have charge 
of all intercourse with the Indians and to obey the orders of 
the President, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, or superin- 
tendent. An interpreter at a salary of $300 was provided at 
each agency or for each tribe. These interpreters were nom- 
inated by the agents and confirmed by the Secretary of War, 
and might be suspended by the agent. Preference in these 
appointments was to be given to men of Indian descent. 

Blacksmiths were assigned to agencies when provided for 
by treaty, and were paid $480 a year, with $120 additional if 
they furnished their own shops. When required, farmers, 
mechanics, and teachers were to be appointed by the Secre- 
tary of War at salaries ranging from $480 to $600. If the 
tribes were considered competent, the appointment of these 
employees might be left to them. No pay was to be given in 
addition to the salaries except allowances for traveling and 
office expenses, and no person was to hold more than one 
office, nor receive his salary while absent from his agency 
without leave from the superintendent or Secretary of War. 
At no time was an officer to be absent from his post longer 
than sixty days. A superintendent, or agent, or sub-agent 
and a military officer were to certify to the delivery of an- 
nuities, and no officer of the United States was to engage in 


trade under a penalty of $5000 fine and removal from office. 
Indians visiting posts and agencies might be given rations 
at the expense of the government.^^^ 

The appropriation for the year 1835 was only a little more 
than half of that voted in 1833. Some of the appropriations 
for the two years were as follows : 



Superintendent at St. Louis and agents 












Provisions at distribution of annuities 






The period between 1822 and 1835 was one of marvelous 
western expansion, and the fur trade, explorations, and set- 
tlement took many white people into the Indian country. 
Scattered on the frontiers were the Indian agents, who were 
sometimes former fur traders, sometimes men of military 
training, and sometimes missionaries. Their duties took 
them into the very depths of the wilderness. When John 
Sandford was appointed agent to the Mandan villages in 
1826, he was stationed 1050 miles from Council Bluffs and 
2500 miles from Washington.i^s The positions nearer the 
white settlements were often more difficult than those 
farther west. The frontiersmen were self-reliant, often 
lawless, and always resentful of any authority which oper- 
ated in favor of the Indians and against the whites. Con- 
fident of the support of the voters of the West and their rep- 
resentatives in Congress, men openly defied the government 
agents, except when the latter were supported by a military 
force. When in 1828 Henry Dodge settled at the lead mines 

101 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 729-738. 

102 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 631, 746. 

103 Niles ' Eegister, Vol. XXXI, p. 160. 



east of tlie Mississippi River, on lands reserved for the In- 
dians by the treaty of 1816, Joseph M. Street, Indian agent 
at Prairie du Chien, sent Sub-Agent John Marsh to notify 
Dodge and his men to remove at once, if they did not wish to 
be removed by force. General Dodge replied that '*he 
should leave the country as soon as he conveniently could", 
but he remained in spite of the orders of the agent. This 
attitude of defiance on the part of frontier whites made the 
work of the agents very difficult. To be sure, they were sup- 
posed to be supported by the army, but the political influ- 
ence of the settlers was usually powerful enough to prevent 
the use of force. In this case Henry Dodge and his associ- 
ates hoped that a new treaty would give them a legal right 
to remain on the lands they coveted, and as usual they were 
not disappointed, for on August 1, 1829, the Winnebagoes 
ceded the mining district to the United States.^"* 

So great was the demand for new Indian cessions that In- 
dian agents among the border tribes were usually busy 
keeping the white men off the Indian lands, persuading the 
Indians to move westward, or setting up an agency in the 
new location. When white settlers began to covet the lands 
of a tribe, it became the duty of the agents to convince the 
Indians that emigration was beneficial and inevitable. In 
1828 Colonel Hugh Montgomery, agent to the Creeks, was 
ordered to leave his office in charge of a sub-agent and go 
among the Indians personally to persuade them to leave 
Georgia; and Colonel Ward, the Choctaw agent, present- 
ed the question of removal to the council of that tribe in 
1829. It is not likely that the Indians had much faith in his 
arguments since they had asked for his removal the year be- 
fore on account of alleged embezzlement of annuity funds, 

lOiPelzer's Henry Dodge, pp. 32-34. 

105 Parker's The CheroTcee Indians, pp. 18, 19. 


but they were beginning to realize that it was impossible 
for them to remain.^"*^ 

Another duty of the Indian agent which was equally dif- 
ficult to perform was the exclusion of liquor from the Indian 
country. The traders considered liquor as an indispensable 
adjunct to the Indian trade and violated the law whenever 
possible. When the agents and military officers by strict 
inspection prevented the transportation of large quantities 
of liquor, the traders set up distilleries within the Indian 
country. The American Fur Company began to operate a 
distillery at Fort Union, but when the Indian agent at Fort 
Leavenworth reported this activity to General William 
Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, the 
company was soon compelled to put a stop to the manufac- 
turing of whiskey. ^^^'^ 

A description of one of these frontier agencies is given 
by Maximilian, Prince of Wied, in writing of his journey up 
the Missouri Eiver in 1832. "Sioux Agency, or, as it is now 
usually called, Fort Lookout", he said, "is a square, of 
about sixty paces, surrounded by pickets, twenty or thirty 
feet high, made of squared trunks of trees, placed close to 
each other, within which the dwellings are built close to the 
palisades." This fort was on the west bank of the Missouri 
Eiver, some distance above the mouth of the Platte, and near 
it were the trading-houses of the Sublette Fur Company and 
the American Fur Company, the rival companies in the 
fur trade.^*^^ This same traveler wrote as follows concern- 
ing Bellevue, located southeast of the Platte River and a 
few miles south of the present site of Omaha: "Below, on 
the bank, there are some huts, and on top the buildings of 

108 Abel's Indian Consolidation in the Annual Report of the American His- 
torical Association, 1906, Vol. I, pp. 371, 372. 

lo'' Chittenden 's History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. I, 
pp. 358, 360-362. 

108 Thwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, pp. 303, 304. 



the agents, where a sub-agent, Major Beauchamp, a black- 
smith, and some servants of the company, all lived with 
their families"."'' This was the agency of Major John 
Dougherty, the agent to the Otoes, Omahas, Pawnees, and 
loways, who had formerly been the interpreter of Benjamin 
'Fallon. At the time of Maximilian's visit Dougherty was 
called away to settle a feud between the loways and the 
Omahas who were at war.^" 

Many of these agents were real friends of the Indians, al- 
though not inclined to idealize them. Thomas Forsyth, the 
Sac and Fox agent from 1804 to 1830, was very popular 
with his wards and was considered by General William 
Clark as one of the ablest Indian agents in the service and 
the equal of Nicholas Perrot in the understanding of Indian 
character. So influential was he among the Indians, that Dr. 
Eeuben Grold Thwaites suggests that his removal was one of 
the causes of the Black Hawk War.^^^ 

The years immediately following this war witnessed few 
changes in the administration of Indian affairs. An act ap- 
proved on March 3, 1837, provided for four additional sub- 
agents and three more agents for the Creeks, the Cherokees, 
and the Indians on the Upper Missouri. The act also in- 
cluded an appropriation of $1692 to pay one Charles 
Eodgers for a distillery which had been erected in the In- 
dian country prior to 1832, and which the Indian agent had 
destroyed.^^2 This is an instance of unusual leniency, since 
the public records contain nothing which could be construed 
to favor the use of intoxicating liquor among the natives. 

109 Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, p. 266. 

110 Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XIV, p. 126; Vol. XXII, pp. 258, 
266, 267. 

111 Armstrong's TTie Sauks and the BlacTc EawTc War, p. 62; Blair's Indian 
Tribes of the Upper Mississippi and Begion of the Great Lalces, Vol. I, p. 14; 
Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, note on p. 225. 

112 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. V, pp. 161-163. 


Official reports are full of denunciations of the traffic and of 
the white men who hung about the borders of the reserva- 
tion and furnished *'fire water" to the Indians at a great 
profit to themselves. 

The year following this act saw the establishment of the 
first government agency within the present boundaries of 
the State of Iowa. The Sac and Fox Indians moved west- 
ward in accordance with the treaty of October 21, 1837, and 
in 1838 their agent, Joseph M. Street, who had been trans- 
ferred from the Winnebago Agency at Prairie du Chien, 
established the Sac and Fox agency near what is now 
Agency City. The necessary buildings were erected and in 
1839 Agent Street moved his family to the new center, but 
died the following year. So beloved was the former agent 
that when Chief Wapello died in 1842, he requested that he 
be buried near his white friend. Joseph M. Street was suc- 
ceeded by his son-in-law, John Beach, a graduate of West 
Point and in ability and character a worthy successor of 
the man who had filled a difficult position with justice to his 
wards and honor to the United States. 

The total number of Indians in charge of Agent Beach 
was about 2300, and these were divided into some six vil- 
lages. The home of the agent was a two-story, frame house ; 
and in its vicinity were the office, the blacksmith-shop, and 
the stables, built at the expense of the government by a con- 
tractor from Clarksville, Missouri.^^* Such was the estab- 
lishment which was expected to teach the Indians industry 
and obedience to law and at the same time protect them from 
the white men who were constantly breaking the law. Soon 
after the establishment of the agency, two mills were built. 
Both were soon destroyed by floods, but one was rebuilt by 

ii3Kappler's Indian Afairs, Vol. II, pp. 495, 496; History of Folic County 
(Union Historical Co., 1880), pp. 39, 40. 

114 Evans's History of Wapello County, loiva, p. 17. 



Agent John Beach and a saw-mill was also constructed. 
These two mills were burned in the summer of 1842 and 
Agent Beach reported that he was sure the incendiaries 
were men who were angry because they had been driven off 
the reservation,^^^ With men of this sort watching every 
chance to enter the reservation or to debauch and annoy the 
Indians, the agent in charge had no easy post, nor could he 
hope to arouse much enthusiasm among his charges for im- 
proving lands which white men were already staking out as 

The two blacksmiths and the gunsmith were kept more 
regularly employed than the millers. Hoes, axes, knives, 
and all kinds of agricultural and hunting implements were 
constantly needed by the Indians. Guns were even more 
important and horses and oxen needed to be shod. The most 
important line of work at the agency, however, from the 
standpoint of its civilizing influence, was the farm, which 
was begun in April, 1839. The sum of $2000 a year for five 
years for its support was granted by the treaty of 1837. 
This "Pattern Farm", it was hoped, would be an incentive 
for the Indians to take up agriculture ; but, while they appre- 
ciated its products they refused to work. John Beach re- 
ported in 1841 that the farm contained one hundred and 
seventy-seven acres, including two acres planted in water 
melons — the only things which the Indians preferred to 

These Indians, who came in close contact with the whites, 
were in a pitiable condition. They had lost their former 
game supply, but were not yet convinced of the necessity of 
agriculture. Herded into reservations by United States 
troops, who were also expected to defend them from their 

iisffoiise Executive Documents, 2nd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, Doe. 2, pp. 
327-330; Evans's History of Wapello County, Iowa, p. 19. 

116 Senate Documents, 3r(i Sess., 27tli Congress, Vol. I, p. 425 ; House Execu- 
tive Documents, 2nd Sess., 27tli Congress, Vol. I, Doe. 2, pp. 327-330. 

VOL. XIV — 4 


enemies, the Sacs and Foxes, like other Indian tribes in the 
same condition, became beggars and drunkards. In spite of 
the efforts of the agents and officers, the example of the law- 
less and degraded whites on the outskirts of the reservation 
made any real progress on the part of the Indians impos- 

Aside from the government officers the only white men 
who were permitted by law to reside within the Indian coun- 
try were the licensed traders, who were sometimes men of 
dishonest character, but usually superior to the traders who 
carried on illegal traffic with the Indians. There were three 
trading posts at the Sac and Fox Agency and the traders 
usually managed to secure most of the annuities as soon as 
they were paid — in fact the Indians sometimes did not even 
handle them.^" 

In addition to the traders and agency employees noted 
above, the Sac and Fox agency was supplied with two inter- 
preters, Joseph Smart and John Goodell ; but unlike most of 
the agencies at this time, it had no school. The duties of the 
Indian agent are, however, well illustrated and were per- 
formed by men of unusual ability and honesty. The agent 
was custodian of the funds provided for minors within the 
tribe. He was a witness at the signing of the treaties. He 
had charge of the various activities of the agency and re- 
ported to the superintendent of his district. He attempted 
to keep white intruders away from his wards. He settled 
disputes among the Indians themselves — such as the one 
between Keokuk and Hardfish as to the method of distrib- 
uting annuities.^^* He was like a pilot on a ship without 
any motive power, however, and the irresistible current of a 
rapidly expanding population carried his ship westward in 
spite of his efforts. 

117 Parish's John Chambers, pp. 167, 168, 183. 

History of Western Iowa (Western Publishing Company, 1882), p. 33; 
Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 475, 549; Parish's John Chambers, ;>. 



A few additional features of agency life are furnished by 
the Winnebago sub-agency on Turkey Eiver, near Fort At- 
kinson, in the Territory of Iowa. According to a report 
made in 1846 by J. E. Fletcher, the sub-agent, a carpenter 
was provided, who was chiefly occupied in making coffins 
for the Indians. A physician was constantly employed, and 
a school under Rev. David Lowry with three women and 
two men teachers attempted to educate the reluctant In- 
dians. Moreover, judging from a report of the Secretary of 
War for that year, this sub-agency employed, in addition to 
the officers already named, six smiths, a steward, a cook, an 
overseer, fifteen laborers, and one interpreter. This last 
employee and one of the laborers were half-breeds, the rest 
were whites.^^^ David Lowry, the superintendent of the 
school at this time, had been the sub-agent when the agency 
was first located here, about 1839. His ideas of Indian edu- 
cation are set forth in October of that year in his report to 
Governor Dodge of Wisconsin Territory, in which he said : 
**The Indian can only be redeemed from his present de- 
graded state by the protecting policy of the government re- 
moving him where intercourse with the white man can be 
prohibited, and establishing schools and farms among them, 
under the supervision of competent agents." It was com- 
paratively easy to remove the Indians, but it proved impos- 
sible to keep the white men away from them.^^^ 

The relation of the agents to the superintendents, who 
were sometimes merely agents performing the duties of 
superintendents as well as those of agents, may be illustrat- 
ed by the duties of Governor Henry Dodge of the Territory 
of Wisconsin as Superintendent of Indian Affairs. It was 
Ms duty to receive and distribute the funds intended for the 

Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 29th Congress, Vol. I, Doc. 1, pp. 247-250; 
House Executive Documents, 2nd Sess., 29th Congress, Vol. Ill, No. 36, pp. 3, 4. 

-^20 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 31st Congress, Vol. II, p. 1045; Pelzer's 
Henry Dodge, p. 153. 


various agencies. Each agent was expected to make a quar- 
terly report to Mm of receipts, expenditures, goods, stock, 
provisions, and husbandry at the agency before he received 
his salary. It was the superintendent who secured the exe- 
cution of the agents' bonds, gave advice as to buildings at 
the agencies, and the selection of new sites, and settled dis- 
putes in the department under his charge.^^^ It is an inter- 
esting commentary upon frontier life that this Governor, 
who was now representing the authority of the United 
States over the Indians, was the man who ten years before 
had defied the agent to put him off the Indian lands. 

The advance line of government control over the Indians 
was extended in 1842 by the appointment of Andrew Drips, 
a fur trader, as agent to the Sioux on the Upper Missouri. 
The chief reason for his appointment was the need of some- 
one to enforce the law which prohibited the sale or giving of 
liquor to the Indians. Drips had been associated with the 
American Fur Company and since it was difficult for a large 
company to smuggle liquor in sufficient amounts for their 
use, it was to the interest of the company to prevent indi- 
vidual traders from carrying liquor on their trips. The se- 
lection of ''Major" Drips as the agent to enforce this law 
was a political and commercial victory for the American 
Fur Company and shows how influential the men in charge 
of it were. In spite of the partisan reason for his selection, 
Andrew Drips seems to have made a good agent and even in 
the winter traveled over the vast extent of territory under 
his charge.^22 

Many were the subterfuges resorted to by the traders to 
evade the search by the agents. On one occasion a military 
officer to whom the duty of searching the vessels had been 

i2ipelzer's Henry Bodge, pp. 151, 152. 

122 Thwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXVII, p. 136; Chittenden's 
History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. I, pp. 367, 368. 



delegated by the agent, who was absent, was deceived by the 
master of the steamboat who loaded the kegs of liquor upon 
a circular tramway in the dark hold of the boat and had the 
crew pull them along just far enough ahead of the inspecting 
officer to prevent his observing them. At another time these 
same employees of the Company succeeded in outwitting the 
agent himself at Bellevue, the scene of the former incident. 
The agent was an ex-Methodist minister and was determined 
to permit no liquor to pass him, so the men in charge of the 
expedition unloaded the liquor, which had been packed in 
barrels of flour and marked with the initials of the Com- 
pany's agent at that place. Never dreaming that the liquor 
would be deposited in his presence, the agent failed to ex- 
amine these barrels, and of course found nothing on the boat. 
The captain then made some excuse for not proceeding at 
once, and during the following night the barrels were re- 
loaded and the boat started hastily up the river. When the 
agent saw that the barrels were gone he realized that the 
boat had been carrying liquor, but nothing was done about 
it by the authorities. An act of March 3, 1847, imposed a 
penalty of two years imprisonment for the sale of liquor to 
the Indians, but this law did not make the detection of the 
offenders any easier. The same act provided that agents 
and sub-agents should be furnished with houses, and per- 
mitted to cultivate the land if the Indians were willing, but 
this provision was repealed in 1848. About this time it was 
provided that the annuities were to be paid to the heads of 
families instead of to the chiefs, since by this policy the gov- 
ernment hoped to minimize the tribal feeling and the power 
of the chiefs.^2* 

The addition of territory at the time of the Mexican War 
led to the provision for a special agent and two interpreters 

123 Chittenden 's History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, 
pp. 679-683. 

124 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, pp. 203, 264. 


for the Comanche and Texas Indians. In 1848 the Terri- 
torial Governor of Oregon was given a salary of $1500 a 
year as Governor and an equal amount as Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs. Two years later the two positions were 
separated, and the superintendent was paid $2500 a year for 
his services. Three agents were assigned to California and 
their salaries were fixed at $3000 a year, double the amount 
usually paid to such ofificers.^^^ 

In the meantime an important change had been made by 
the act of March 3, 1849, which transferred the Indian office 
to the newly established Department of the Interior.^^^ All 
powers formerly vested in the Secretary of War were hence- 
forth to be exercised by the Secretary of the Interior, for it 
was believed that civil administration would be more ef- 
fective in civilizing and educating the Indians than military 
supervision had been. The history of the succeeding thirty 
or forty years, however, failed to confirm this opinion. As 
has been said, the agents working under the Secretary of 
War were not always military officers, and when men who 
had had military training, like Joseph M. Street and John 
Beach, were selected they acted as civil officers and did not 
attempt to serve as Indian agents and army officers at the 
same time. The spirit of the Indian service under the War 
Department was commercial rather than military and few of 
the agents at this time escaped charges of being interested 
in the Indian trade. Although this was contrary to law, 
there does not appear to have been as much actual dishon- 
esty among the agents as there was later, due partly no 
doubt to the less extravagant appropriations. Incompetent 
men were sometimes found among them, but as a class, the 
Indian agents of this period had the good qualities of the 
pioneers as well as some of their objectionable character- 

12B United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, pp. 204, 328, 437, 519. 
126 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, p. 395. 



istics. They may be divided into two classes : one made up 
of men like Henry R. Schoolcraft and Joseph M. Street, who 
represented the refinement of civilization as well as its 
strength; the second consisted of men like Andrew Drips, 
who possessed force of character and shrewd business abil- 
ity, without much regard for the finer things of life. 

Ruth A. Gallaher 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City Iowa 


The first settlements in Iowa clustered along the Missis- 
sippi River, Dubuque, Davenport, Bloomington (now 
Muscatine), Burlington, and Fort Madison sprang up from 
mining camp, private land reserve, boat landing, trading- 
post, or military garrison into bustling frontier towns. 
But it was not long before the fertile prairie to the west 
began to lure the pioneers away from the hills along the 
river. In August, 1836, the population of the two counties 
in the Iowa country was 10,531. Twenty-one months later 
the census showed an increase of one hundred and seventeen 
percent. Of the 22,859 persons then in Iowa, 7755, or over 
33.9 percent, were living in counties not washed by the Mis- 
sissippi ; and after two more years, out of a total population 
of 43,112, over 44.1 percent, or 19,041 people, were inhabit- 
ants of inland counties.^ 

This rapid shifting of the center of population westward 
brought with it the need of roads, mail routes, and other 
conveniences. By no means the least persistent of the de- 
mands of the people was for the location of the capital of 
the Territory near the center of population. Travel in those 
days was not the negligible consideration it now is. Indeed, 
the problem of accessibility led to the opinion that the seat 
of government should occupy a central position geograph- 
ically as well as with respect to the mass of population. 

The First Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Iowa, 
having in mind the future development of the Territory, 

iNewhall's STcetches of Iowa, pp. 114, 115, 120, 122, 123, 129, 130, 132, 247, 
248; loiua Historical and Comparative Census, 1880, p. 196. 



made provision for the establishment of the permanent seat 
of government at some point within Johnson County; and 
Governor Robert Lucas approved the act on January 21, 
1839.2 p-Qj. three years, or until the public buildings at 
Iowa City — for such was to be the name of the capital of 
Iowa — were declared ready for occupancy, the Legislative 
Assembly was to continue to hold its meetings at Burling- 
ton.2 A supplementary act authorized the Governor to 
''apply to Congress for a donation of, or a pre-emption to, 
four sections of land on which to locate the seat of govern- 
ment"; while a joint resolution instructed William W. 
Chapman, Territorial Delegate to Congress, to ask for a 
donation of "at least four sections of land, on which to lo- 
cate the seat of government of the Territory of lowa".^ 

2 Johnson County had been created only thirteen months before, on December 
21, 1837. — Garver's History of the Establishment of Comities in Iowa in The 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. VI, p. 387. 

3 A matter bearing upon the location of the capital, but having only inci- 
dental significance, was the location of the executive ofiices. The Organic Act 
establishing the Territorial government of Iowa contained no provision requir- 
ing the Governor or Secretary to keep oflSces at the seat of government. Thus 
when the capital was removed to Iowa City it did not include the removal of the 
executive offices. Governor John Chambers took an aversion to Iowa City, de- 
claring that he would reside in Burlington. It appears that he had an office at 
Iowa City only during sessions of the Legislative Assembly. In 1844 a memorial 
was addressed to Congress asking that the Governor and Secretary be required 
to keep their offices at Iowa City. It was introduced in the Council, passed both 
houses, and was presented to the Governor for his approval. 

This question was raised again in 1848 when a resolution was offered in the 
Senate to inquire into the expediency of reporting a bill which would require 
the Governor of the State to reside and keep his office at the seat of government, 
but nothing came of it. 

Not until 1864, indeed, was an act of such a character passed. Then a law 
requiring the Governor to "keep the Executive Office at Des Moines, in which 
shall be transacted the business of the Executive Department of the State gov- 
ernment" was placed upon the statute books. — Parish's John Chambers, p. 
125; Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. 
I, pp. 251-311; Council Journal, 1843-1844, pp. 125, 129, 133, 163, 168, 174, 
192; House Journal, 1843-1844, pp. 174, 176, 183, 184, 210, 230; Senate Jour- 
nal, 1848, p. 68 ; Laws of Iowa, 1864, pp. 95, 96. 

4 Laws of the Territory of Iowa, 1838-1839, pp. 435-438, 519; Shambaugh's 
Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 107-112. 


Congress, on March 3, 1839, acting upon these recom- 
mendations, directed that one section of land should be 
selected and that if, at the time of its selection, the ' ' contigu- 
ous sections thereto have not been made subject to public 
sale, or being so subject have not been sold at public sale or 
by private entry, then each and every section contiguous to 
said selected section, and not so sold, shall be thereafter re- 
served and withheld from sale in any manner, until the 
further order of Congress thereon."^ 

Chauncey Swan, John Eonalds, and Eobert Ralston, who 
had been appointed commissioners for that purpose, chose 
the permanent site for the capital on May 4, 1839,^ indicat- 
ing the place by a slab driven into the ground about where 
the Old Stone Capitol at Iowa City now stands. In October 
of the same year official notice of the selection was returned 
to the Register of the Land Office at Dubuque.'^ 

After two years it was seen that the capitol building at 
Iowa City would not be ready for occupancy at the end of 
the three years allotted for the work of construction. In 
view of this fact an act was passed in January, 1841, de- 
claring that the following Legislative Assembly would meet 
on the first Monday in December, 1841, at Iowa City, if 
* * other sufficient buildings shall be furnished for the accom- 
modation of the Legislative Assembly, rent free". Such 
accommodations were provided and in conformity with a 
proclamation of Governor Robert Lucas, the fourth regular 
session of the Legislative Assembly convened on December 

B United States Statutes at Large, Vol. V, p. 330. 

The clause requiring the sections contiguous to the one selected for the capital 
to be withheld from sale was repealed on August 1, 1842. — United States Stat- 
utes at Large, Vol. VI, p. 846. 

6 Eobert Ralston was not present at the time the location was made, but he 
arrived on May 6th and agreed to the proceedings of the other two commission- 
ers. — House Journal, 1839-1840, p. 90. 

1 Shambaugh's lotva City: A Contribution to the Early History of Iowa, pp. 
22, 23, 24; House Journal, 1839-1840, p. 92. 


6, 1841, in the new capital city. On that day Iowa City be- 
came the capital of Iowa in fact as well as in name.® 

For sixteen years the seat of government remained at 
Iowa City. That thriving town beheld fourteen sessions of 
the legislature and three constitutional conventions convene, 
accomplish their work, and adjourn. It witnessed also, 
during those sixteen years, a constant stream of settlers 
who came to push the frontier farther and farther toward 
the west. At each of the constitutional conventions and at 
all but two sessions of the Legislative Assembly or General 
Assembly the question of re-locating the capital arose in one 
connection or another. 

When the citizens of Iowa City learned that the Legis- 
lative Assembly would meet there on December 6, 1841, if 
suitable quarters should be afforded, they were filled with 
enthusiasm. Walter Butler, one of the most public-spirited 
of the inhabitants of the little town, erected a two-story 
frame structure. This building, however, proved to be more 
or less unsatisfactory and, as it appeared that the perma- 
nent capitol would not be completed in time for the follow- 
ing session of the Legislative Assembly, toward the end of 
the first session held in "Butler's Capitol" three resolu- 
tions for removal were introduced in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. The first provided for the removal of the seat 
of government to Mount Pleasant until the capitol at Iowa 
City should be finished. After being amended to the effect 
that the citizens of Mount Pleasant should ''furnish build- 
ings, rent free", the resolution was tabled until the follow- 
ing Saturday: the Assembly adjourned on Friday. An at- 
tempt was made to fix the next meeting of the Legislative 
Assembly at Davenport, but again the resolution was laid 
on the table. A few minutes later another resolution was 

sLaws of the Territory of Iowa, 1840-1841, pp. 41, 42; Shambaugli 's Mes- 
sages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 245, 246; House 
Journal, 1841-1842, p. 3. 


introduced, fixing Iowa City as the meeting-place of the suc- 
ceeding Legislative Assembly. A motion was made to sub- 
stitute Burlington for Iowa City, which was lost by a small 
majority. Fort Madison was then proposed. This motion 
was decided in the affirmative, requiring the "Legislative 
Assembly to meet at said place, at their next session, and 
until the public buildings are finished at Iowa City", but the 
resolution was finally postponed indefinitely. Thus nothing 
came of the first efforts to remove the capital from Iowa 

Mr. Butler had agreed to erect the temporary capitol 
building in Iowa City on the condition that the citizens of 
the town would guarantee to pay him the difference between 
the cost of the building and the price it would command 
when no longer required by the government. For some 
reason these pledges were not fulfilled when the time came. 
Mr. Butler then asked aid from the legislature of the Terri- 
tory. He presented a bill for rent to the second Legislative 
Assembly that convened at Iowa City during the winter of 
1842-1843. The former Assembly, however, had met at 
Iowa City under the express provision that it should be 
housed rent free, as a guarantee of which agreement Mr. 
Butler and nineteen other citizens of Iowa City had signed 
a bond, binding themselves in the penal sum of $15,000. 
When the account for rent came before the Council, there- 
fore, no favorable action was taken upon it. A bill for the 
relief of Mr. Butler was introduced in the House, but that 
body was also loath to allow rent for the use of the building. 

An amendment was offered, however, that ''unless the 
citizens of Iowa City pay to Walter Butler the sum of five 
hundred dollars, before the first day of September next, for 
the rent of his house occupied by the Legislature for the 

9 Shambaugh's Io^ca City: A Contribution to the Early History of Iowa, pp. 
57, 58; House Journal, 1841-1842, pp. 264, 265, 267-269. 


year 1841- '42, it shall be the duty of his Excellency, the Grov- 
ernor, to convene the next General Assembly at Mount 
Pleasant in Henry county, Iowa Territory, and there to re- 
main until the above sum of five hundred dollars is paid." 
This amendment may have been an attempt, out of sym- 
pathy for Mr. Butler, to force the citizens of Iowa City who 
had signed the bond with him to share his loss ; but a more 
plausible explanation appears in the fact that Mr. Paton 
Wilson who offered the amendment was one of the repre- 
sentatives of Henry County and had seized this opportunity 
in the hope of winning the capital for Mount Pleasant.^*^ 
Mr. David J. Sales of Des Moines County succeeded in hav- 
ing Burlington (Des Moines County) inserted in place of 
Mount Pleasant, but when the amendment came to a vote it 
was overwhelmingly lost.^^ 

The only action of the Legislative Assembly of 1843-1844 
which could be construed to indicate a desire for the re- 
moval of the capital from Iowa City was in connection with 
the choice of the place at which the constitutional conven- 
tion of 1844 should be held. A bill to provide for the ex- 
pression of the opinion of the people of the Territory upon 
the subject of the formation of a State government, which 
contained a section designating the meeting-place of the 
convention to frame the constitution, being before the Coun- 

10 Indeed, earlier in the session Mr. Paton Wilson had introduced a joint reso- 
lution for the removal of the capital to Mount Pleasant, which, after being 
considered once in the committee of the whole and progress being reported, was 
not heard of again, probably because in the meantime a better opportunity 
seemed to be afforded by the rent controversy. — House Journal, 1842-1843, pp. 
110, 114, 175. 

Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VI, p. 192; Council Journal, 1842- 
1843, pp. 25, 26, 27, 31, 85, 87, 122, 125, 128, 129, 141, 142, 157; House Journal, 
1842-1843, pp. 81, 87, 90, 104, 108, 127, 138, 139, 142-145, 149, 161, 277, 292, 

While three hundred and twenty-five dollars was voted for other services of 
Mr. Butler to the government, he received no rent for housing the Legislative 
Assembly. — Laws of Iowa, 1842-1843 (Local), p. 49. 


cil, no less than eight different towns were suggested. After 
Mount Pleasant, Iowa City, Jacksonville (Clayton County), 
Davenport, Pittsburg (Van Buren County), Burlington, and 
Dubuque had been proposed and rejected, Fort Madison 
was finally agreed upon. When the bill came into the House 
of Eepresentatives, Mount Pleasant, Burlington, and Dav- 
enport were again proposed to no avail. Fort Madison was 
struck out and Iowa City inserted as the place for holding 
the convention ; and in this form the bill finally passed. 

The delegates to the first constitutional convention in 
Iowa were called to order on October 7, 1844. When the re- 
port of the committee on schedule — that is, the article of 
the constitution providing for the transition from Terri- 
torial to State government — came before the assembly on 
the twenty-sixth day of the same month, Mr. George Hobson 
of Henry County proposed as an amendment to the section 
fixing the time for the first meeting of the General Assembly 
that Iowa City "shall be the seat of Government of the 
State of Iowa until the year eighteen hundred and sixty- 
five, and until removed by law." The proposition was 
agreed to by a vote of forty-one to twenty-seven.^^ 

The Burlington Hawk-Eye pronounced this amendment 
to be no essential part of a Constitution, claiming that it had 
been inserted by an accidental whim without regard to prin- 
ciple or right. Iowa City, it was asserted, would by virtue 
of such a provision have a monopoly on the seat of govern- 
ment, and a monopoly of any kind was a thing to be dis- 
couraged. Some people thought that the location of the 
capital at Iowa City by the Constitution had been accom- 
plished by clever politicians for the promotion of private 
and local interests. 

12 Cwincil Journal, 1843-1844, pp. 68, 69, 93, 94, 95, 99, 137, 140, 143, 144, 
152, 159, 171, 175; Bouse Journal, 1843-1844, pp. 162, 163; Laws of Iowa, 
1843-1844, pp. 13-16. 

13 Journal of the Constitutional Convention of 1844, pp. 3, 138, 139, 205. 


All this was stoutly denied in Iowa City, where it was 
maintained that the criticism of the clause locating the cap- 
ital at Iowa City for twenty-one years was only a clever 
ruse to provoke opposition to the Constitution, in the north- 
ern part of the Territory by the argument of sectional in- 
terest and in the southern portion by arousing the jealousies 
of other towns which aspired to the honor of being selected 
as the seat of government. Whatever may have been the 
merits of these accusations, the clause on the location of the 
capital became one of the main points of controversy in the 
campaign for the adoption of the Constitution of 1844. In- 
deed, it has been offered as one of the two or three chief 
causes for the rejection of that instrument by the people.^^ 

During the eighth and last session of the Legislative As- 
sembly of the Territory of Iowa (1845-1846) resolutions to 
adjourn the Assembly to Mount Pleasant were introduced 
both in the Council and in the House of Representatives on 
December 31st. In the Council, Bloomington, Burlington, 
and Dubuque were also proposed in this connection, but in 
both houses the resolutions were tabled without any favor- 
able action.^^ 

The Constitution of 1846, under which Iowa became a 
State, contained a provision that Iowa City ''shall be the 
Seat of Government of the State of Iowa, until removed by 
law. ' ' The failure to incorporate a clause locating the cap- 
ital at that place for any definite period, as the Constitution 
of 1844 had done, was probably a concession to the southern 
and western portions of the Territory, where a strong 
sentiment was developing in favor of removing the capital 
farther west at no remote time. In fact, it was immediately 
pointed out by those opposed to the Constitution that this 
was a subtle method of accomplishing the immediate re- 

i*7owo Capital Beporter (Iowa City), July 30, August 27, 1845. 

Council Journal, 1845-1846, pp. 94, 95; House Journal, 1845-1846, pp. 
87, 88. 


location of the capital ; for in the General Assembly, under 
the new Constitution, there would be a majority of eighteen 
members from the south and southwest who would be in- 
clined to vote for the establishment of the capital at the 
Eaccoon Forks of the Des Moines Eiver, the location of 
Fort Des Moines.^® 

The Constitution of 1844 had been wrecked largely upon 
the question of boundaries. Congress had refused to accept 
the "Lucas Boundaries", as those prescribed in the Consti- 
tution were called, and had substituted what were known as 
the ''Nicollet Boundaries", thereby reducing the area of 
the proposed State.^^ The Constitution so modified was 
twice rejected by the people of Iowa. When it became nec- 
essary to decide the boundary question in the constitutional 
convention of 1846 a compromise providing for the present 
boundaries was adopted, whereby the size of the State was 
reduced to 55,964 square miles or about six thousand square 
miles less than the "Lucas Boundaries" had included, the 
loss of territory being entirely on the north. Immediately 
those jealous of keeping the capital at Iowa City saw in this 
compromise the work of the delegates from the southern 
counties who, it was believed, had sacrificed the question of 
territory to obtain possession of the capital, for the new 
boundaries were "so formed as to throw the Raccoon Forks 
into the center of population for the next fifty years ".^® 

As proof of this claim the history of the boundary ques- 

Journal of the Constitutional Convention of 1846, pp. xx, 92, 98; Sham- 
baugh's Debates of the Iowa Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 1846, p. 

17 For the ' ' Lucas Boundaries ' ' and the ' ' Nicollet Boundaries ' ' see Maps 
III and rv in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. II, pp. 379, 

18 Shambaugh 's History of the Constitutions of Iowa, pp. 255, 271, 283; 
Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 29th Congress, pp. 668, 669; 
Shambaugh 's Debates of the Iowa Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 1846, 
pp. 362, 363 ; Iowa Official Begister, 1915-1916, pp. 884, 885. 


tion in the constitutional convention was cited. At first the 
"Lucas Boundaries" had been determined upon by a vote 
of twenty-two to eight. But no sooner had that fact become 
known than ' ' a certain General Government officer .... 
came post-haste to the city to represent the South on this 
question, and regulate the representatives of the people." 
It is true that six days after the adoption of the "Lucas 
Boundaries" William Steele of Van Buren County pro- 
posed the compromise boundaries, which passed by a vote 
of eighteen to twelve. Only two of the ten delegates who 
might have been supposed to represent the northern inter- 
ests of the Territory, and therefore to be opposed to capital 
removal, voted for the amendment; while only four of the 
twenty from the south voted against it. The conclusion was 
that the southern delegates, by curtailing the territory on 
the north, hoped to throw the center of population, as well 
as the geographical center of the State, toward the south- 
west, thereby insuring the early removal of the capital to 
some point advantageous to the southern counties. 

Further evidence shows, however, that the report of the 
Congressional Committee on Territories, proposing the 
compromise boundaries, reached the constitutional conven- 
tion after the first decision on the boundary question and 
before the amendment was made. This fact would seem 
sufficient to account for the reconsideration of the boundary 
question in the convention. But the enemies of capital re- 
moval explained that the report of the Committee on Terri- 
tories had resulted from the suggestion of Augustus Caesar 
Dodge, the Iowa Delegate to Congress, who wanted to effect 
the re-location of the capital by including it as a part of his 
program in connection with the solution of the boundary 
question. The fact of the sacrifice of territory to obtain the 
capital remained the same, it was contended, whether ac- 

VOL. XIV — 5 


complished by the southern interests directly in the con- 
vention or through a representative at Washington.^® 

Mr. Dodge, in truth, had always been an ardent advocate 
of the development of the West by internal improvements 
and had put forth every possible effort for the advancement 
of the Des Moines Valley. In a speech delivered on the 
floor of the House of Representatives on June 8, 1846, about 
three weeks after the adoption of the compromise boun- 
daries in the convention, while urging the justice of making 
the Missouri River the boundary on the west, he pointed out 
that an artificial line farther east^° would "cut in twain our 
greatest interior river, the Des Moines — a stream which, 
rising in the northwest portion of our contemplated State, 
courses to the southeast, running for many miles almost 
equidistant between the Missouri and Mississippi, into 
which it discharges itself. The Des Moines is now navigible 
for a considerable portion of the year, and is susceptible, 
with the greatest facility and slightest expenditure, of be- 
ing made so for many hundred miles, at all seasons of the 
year, when not obstructed by ice. The country through 
which it runs is one of unsurpassed fertility, and is now be- 
coming densely inhabited. From the central position of 
this river, and its other advantages, there are a very large 
portion of the people of Iowa who believe and desire that 
their ultimate seat of government should be upon it."^^ 

19 Shambaugh 's Debates of the Iowa Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 
1846, pp. 361, 362, 363; Journal of the Constitutional Convention of 1846, pp. 
39, 40, 48, 87, 88, 102; Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 29th 
Congress, p. 668. 

20 The "Nicollet Boundaries", those proposed by Congress in the act of 
March 3, 1845, admitting Iowa to the Union, provided that the State should be 
bounded on the west "by a meridian line, seventeen degrees and thirty minutes 
west of the meridian of Washington city. ' ' This line passes two or three miles 
west of the eastern boundary of Taylor County. — United States Statutes at 
Large, Vol. V, p. 742. 

2iPelzer's Augustus Caesar Dodge, pp. 103-106; Appendix to the Congres- 
sional Globe, 1st Session, 29th Congress, p. 669. 


This remark of Mr. Dodge in Congress relative to the ulti- 
mate location of the capital on the Des Moines River 
brought down upon him a torrent of criticism from the east- 
ern part of the Territory. The intimate association of the 
question of capital removal and the adoption of the State 
Constitution was so obvious that the Iowa City Standard 
sarcastically informed its readers that *'the good people 
have now nothing more to do than to ratify the Constitution, 
and instruct the Legislature to remove the Seat of Govern- 
ment from Iowa City to the Desmoines river, agreeably to 
the suggestions of Gen. Dodge." Arguing, in the interest 
of the eastern part of the Territory, that the movement was 
as yet premature, the same paper continued: *'the citizens 
residing in that portion of the Territory which is watered 
by the Iowa and Cedar rivers, will not thank their Delegate 
for wandering from the path of legitimate discussion, to 
indicate a relocation of the Seat of Government. When 
Iowa shall become a State, and her whole territory pretty 
well settled, it will be time enough to talk about this matter. 
The first Convention, with great unanimity [forty-one to 
twenty-seven], located the seat of government in this city 
for twenty years ; and the last one declared it should be the 
capital until removed by law. And here it should remain 
for at least a quarter of a century. ' ' The matter of expense 
was then brought forward as a reason for keeping the cap- 
ital at Iowa City. "Some eighty thousand dollars have 
been expended on the State House, and we presume the peo- 
ple will not, to gratify the wishes of a few land and town-lot 
speculators, or the whims of a few sticklers for locating the 
capital in the geographical center, be disposed to tax them- 
selves some hundred thousand dollars to erect another, 
upon the banks of the great Desmoines, 'now navigable for 
a considerable portion of the year.' "^^ 

22 Shambaugli 's Debates of the Iowa Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 
1846, pp. 346, 347, reprinted from The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), July 15, 


The Bloomington Herald, sharing the fears of the Iowa 
City paper, proclaimed the question to be whether we 
shall adopt the present constitution, and by adopting it, say, 
by our votes, that the Seat of Government shall be removed 
to the Desmoines river. This is no imaginary thing. The 
fact has been shadowed forth .... in a speech deliv- 
ered in the House of Representatives of the United States, 
June 8th. If there be any who are not interested in retain- 
ing the Seat of Government at Iowa City, we suppose they 
will vote for the constitution. "^^ 

The arguments of those who favored removal in the near 
future were outlined by Wm. Penn Clarke in a speech to the 
electors of Muscatine, Johnson, and Iowa counties. "It will 
be said", he predicted, "that the present building is unfin- 
ished ; that to complete it, will cost as much as would erect 
a smaller and less expensive one at the rival point; that it 
would be folly to expend money on this work, and subse- 
quently remove the seat of government elsewhere ; and thus 
many persons in other portions of the State, who are in- 
different to the subject, and unadvised as to the injustice 
which will be done us, may be induced to vote for candidates 
who will carry out this scheme. To quiet the center, we 
shall probably be promised a State University, or something 
of that character, and then be cheated in the end; for the 
State will not locate such an institution in the same place 
where there are already one or two chartered institutions of 
learning in operation. Those, then, who vote for the ratifi- 
cation of the Constitution, do so with the almost moral cer- 
tainty that the removal of the seat of government from this 

point, will be one of the first consequences of its adop- 
tion. "^4 

23 Shambaugh's Debates of the Joica Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 
1846, p. 399, reprinted from The Bloomington Herald, July 17, 1846. 

24 Shambaugh 's Debates of the Iowa Constitutional Conventions of 1844 and 
1846, p. 364, reprinted from The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), July 22, 1846. 


The Constitution of 1846 was ratified by the people and 
Iowa became a State. The population in 1847 numbered 
116,454, an increase of 73,342 over that of 1840. Of this in- 
crease, 25,034 people lived in counties where no count was 
made in 1840, all but three of which lay to the west and 
southwest of the area enumerated in 1840. In 1847 the pop- 
ulation of the counties west, southwest, and south of Iowa, 
Johnson, and Muscatine counties totaled 79,748, while that 
of all the others, or what might have been called the north- 
ern part of the State, amounted to only 36,706. From these 
figures it is obvious that the center of population was still 
shifting rapidly to the west and southwest, although it had 
not yet passed Iowa City. The geographical center of the 
State, as bounded by the Constitution of 1846, was, however, 
about one hundred miles farther west and some twenty-five 
miles north of Iowa City. 

The anxiety felt by those who wished to retain the capital 
at Iowa City that the representatives of southern and west- 
ern sections of the State in the First General Assembly 
would be disposed to take advantage of the opportunity for 
removal afforded by the Constitution was indeed justified. 
A memorial to Congress representing that "in view of the 
extended limits of the State, and the rapid increase of our 
population, the public mind is beginning to look forward to 
an ultimate change in the location of our Seat of Govern- 
ment ' ' ; that the ' ' selection of a new site, with a view to its 
permanent location, at as early a day as practicable is be- 
lieved to be important"; and that an ''additional grant of 
five sections of land, to be selected under the direction of the 
General Assembly" was desired, passed both houses of the 
General Assembly and was approved by Governor Ansel 
Briggs on February 8, 1847. Nothing, however, came of this 


memorial: indeed it does not appear that it ever reached 

On February 2, 1847, Evan Jay of Henry County intro- 
duced in the Iowa Senate a bill to provide for the location of 
the seat of government and for the selection of the land 
granted by Congress on March 3, 1845, to aid in erecting 
public buildings.^*' The bill passed the Senate on February 
12th, but in the House of Eepresentatives several attempts 
at amendment were made. Elijah Sells of Muscatine Coun- 
ty proposed that after a new site for the capital had been 
selected the question of whether this new location or Iowa 
City should be the permanent seat of government should be 
decided by a vote of the people at a general election. This 
amendment having failed Mr. Sells made a motion calling 
for the appointment of a select committee whose duty it 
should be to report three distinct sites from which the peo- 
ple should choose one as the permanent capital. Stewart 
Goodrell of Washington County submitted the proposition 
that Iowa City should remain the capital until 1858. Mo- 
tions were made to locate the seat of government at Bur- 
lington and at Mount Pleasant, all of which failed. Finally, 
William E. Lefifingwell of Clinton County thoroughly exas- 
perated with the persistence of the advocates of capital re- 
moval, moved to divert the appropriation of Congress of 
March 3, 1845 "from the purpose for which it was originally 

25 Jou'a Historical and Comparative Census, 1880, pp. 196, 198; Senate Jour- 
nal, 1846-1847, pp. 125, 160, 161, 167, 169, 185, 191, 195, 198; Eouse Journal, 
1846-1847, pp. 217, 222, 232, 238, 256; Laws of Iowa, 1846-1847, p. 204. 

28 In an act supplementary to the first act admitting Iowa and Florida to the 
Union, Congress granted five sections of any unappropriated United States land 
within Iowa ' ' for the purpose of completing the public buildings of the said 
State, or for the erection of public buildings at the seat of government", the 
land to be selected and located and the use to be determined as the State legis- 
lature should direct. All of the provisions of this act remained in force when 
Iowa was finally admitted to the Union on December 28, 1846. — United States 
Statutes at Large, Vol. V, p. 790; Vol. IX, p. 117. 


intended", and use it to build a **city in the Eepublic of the 
valley of the Desmoines."^'^ 

The bitter fight ended at last in a compromise whereby 
the State University was to be located at Iowa City upon 
the removal of the capital farther west. The strong argu- 
ment for the central location of the capital finally prevailed, 
but the opposition was doubtless right in the contention that 
immediate removal was premature. It was asked in de- 
rision what the word permanent meant in Iowa legislation. 
In the case of the location of the capital at Iowa City it had 
meant about eight years. The Iowa City Standard regret- 
ted ''exceedingly to see a premature agitation of the ques- 
tion of a permanent location of the Capital, and the 
University of Iowa. No good can result from it in our 
opinion. We have no doubt that the seat of government will 
some day be removed from Iowa City ; and when the weight 
of population on the west shall require it, we shall have 
nothing to say against it. But Iowa City now occupies a 

27 Senate Journal, 1846-1847, pp. 176, 177, 192, 197, 202, 203, 207, 208, 210, 
211, 212, 217, 218, 244, 247, 255, 256; House Journal, 1846-1847, pp. 301, 311, 
319-324, 333-336, 342; Laws of Iowa, 1846-1847, pp. 85-87. 

So imbued with the spirit of capital removal did one member of the First 
General Assembly become that he introduced a joint resolution to move the seat 
of government of the United States to the Eaceoon Forks of the Des Moines 
Eiver. The motion was tabled indefinitely, but the committee on agriculture, in 
reporting on a petition presented by numerous citizens of Iowa City and John- 
son County who were exasperated by their unavailing efforts to retain the cap- 
ital, and begged ' ' among other novelties, that the General Assembly permit the 
citizens of said county to enjoy reasonable health and abundant crops, together 
with other blessings denied them by nature and their own energies", ventured 
the opinion with an air of badinage that when ' ' your Committee takes into 
consideration the growing importance of the country about the Eaceoon Forks 
of the Desmoines river, and compare the same with the District of Columbia, 
they cannot refrain from expressing their belief that, although our Eepresent- 
atives may not be able to remove said Seat of Government 'immediately,' the 
day is nevertheless, not far distant, when this great object will have been ac- 
complished, thus bringing the Seat of the Federal Government in juxtaposition 
with your petitioners; thereby affording them a more favorable opportunity to 
press their claims upon that august Body, the Congress of the United States." 
— House Journal, 1846-1847, pp. 324, 343, 388, 435, 436. 


central position to the population of the State, and will for 
a long time to come. ' ' It was believed in 1847 that ' ' a very 
large portion of the country lying west of the Desmoines 
and its tributaries, is a barren waste, destitute of timber, 
made up of lakes, marshes, and sand hills, incapable of be- 
ing inhabited, so that the weight of population for a long 
time to come, at least, if not forever, must preponderate in 
favor of that portion of the State in the more immediate 
vicinity of the Mississippi river, which is now, and must al- 
ways be by far the most important portion of the State of 

Another argument advanced to confound the friends of 
capital removal was to the effect that the five sections of 
land for the completion and erection of public buildings had 
been granted by Congress under the Constitution of 1844, 
which declared Iowa City to be the capital until 1865, and 
had been revived under the Constitution of 1846, which also 
declared Iowa City to be the seat of government. The land, 
it was asserted, was therefore intended to be used only for 
the benefit of the public buildings at Iowa City, and the 
grant was not in the nature of a trust fund to be reserved to 
erect buildings at a new seat of government. Consequently, 
if any use was to be made of this land it must be for the pur- 
pose of completing the public buildings at Iowa City; while 
the funds for buildings at a new seat of government would 
have to come as private donations, unless Congress could be 
prevailed upon to grant more land. These arguments seem 
to have had but little weight, however, being based on the 
interpretation of an exceedingly slender technicality of the 
act of Congress.^^ 

After the bill providing for the appointment of commis- 

^8 Laws of Iowa, 1846-1847, pp. 188, 189; The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), 
February 10, September 29, 1847. 

29 The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), February 17, September 29, 1847. 


sioners to locate a new capital had actually become a law 
the people opposed to it consoled themselves with the 
thought that further legislation would be required to move 
the capital from Iowa City, for the location made by the 
commissioners would be only prospective. They believed 
that the matter of expense would deter the people from per- 
mitting the actual re-location of the seat of government for 
many years to come, since they would not be willing to tax 
themselves a hundred thousand dollars to erect another 
capitol building so soon. Citizens of Iowa City were ap- 
peased by the promise of the University, feeling "very 
thankful that we have made so good an exchange. We 
would greatly prefer the University to the seat of govern- 
ment ; and we now regard real estate in this city, as worth 
fifty per cent more than it was before the meeting of the 
General Assembly. ' ' ^° 

The act of February 22, 1847, appointed as commissioners 
John Brown of Lee County, Joseph D. Hoag of Henry 
County, and John Taylor of Jones County, who were to 
meet during May of that year, examine such parts of the 
State as were deemed suitable, select the amount of land 
appropriated by Congress, and locate the permanent seat of 
government "as near the geographical centre as, in the 
opinion of the commissioners, may be consistent with an 
eligible and healthy site, the general features of the sur- 
rounding country and the interest of the State generally". 
After selecting the land and locating the capital, the com- 
missioners were to have the town platted, causing a square 
to be laid off, containing not less than five acres, upon which 
to erect the capitol. Provision was made for a public sale 
of lots, the proceeds from which were to be used to defray 
expenses and erect public buildings. The commissioners 

so The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), February 10, March 3, September 29, 


were allowed three dollars a day and expenses for their 

As directed by law the commissioners met and proceeded 
to examine some of the settled as well as unsettled parts of 
the State. Indeed, the entire summer and autumn were 
spent in the work, so that each of the commissioners was 
actually employed approximately one hundred and forty 
days, and thus their services alone cost the State over 
$1250. First a thorough examination of the Des Moines 
Valley was made without a suitable location being found. 
In August it was reported that the commissioners were to 
explore the country along the upper part of the Iowa River, 
near the geographical center of the State. There was a 
rumor that if they met with no better success here, the whole 
project of capital removal might be again thrown before the 
General Assembly. Later, however, public opinion seems 
to have settled upon Oskaloosa and Tool's Point,^^ as the 
places most likely to be chosen for the capital. About the 
middle of September the site was agreed upon, consisting of 
sections four, five, eight, nine, the west half of section three 
and the west half of section ten in township number seventy- 
eight, of range twenty west of the fifth principal meridian. 
It was described as "a point unrivaled in natural beauty", 
situated '*on a beautiful prairie in Jasper county, between 
the Desmoines and Skunk rivers, about six miles from the 

31 Laws of Iowa, 1846-1847, pp. 85-87. 

The public buildings at Iowa City and the ten acres of land on which they 
were situated were granted to the State University of Iowa, but the sessions of 
the General Assembly were to be held and the oflSees of the State oflSeials were 
to remain there until otherwise provided for by law. — Laws of Iowa, 1846- 
1847, p. 188. 

32 In the summer of 1843 Adam Tool, in company with a few other pioneers, 
made the first settlement in Jasper County, staking out their claims in Fairview 
Township. Mr. Tool's house, being large and on the trail from Oskaloosa to 
Fort Des Moines, soon earned the title of "Tool's Tavern". As the settlement 
grew a town was platted which was called Tool 's Point. A few years later the 
name was changed to Monroe. — Weaver's Past and Present of Jasper County, 
Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 54, 55, 57, 291. 


former and five from the latter, in the most beautiful and. 
fertile section of country in Iowa". Excellent timber ex- 
tended to within a short distance on either side, while there 
was an abundance of stone and coal in the immediate vicin- 
ity. Monroe City, as the place was named by the commis- 
sioners,^^ was some twenty-five miles east of the present city 
of Des Moines, thirty-three miles from Oskaloosa, and 
eighty-four miles west of Iowa City. It was about two miles 
southeast of the present town of Prairie City.^^ 

In August, 1847, five or six hundred Hollanders estab- 
lished a colony at Pella, about fifteen miles southeast of 
Monroe City. This event, in connection with the location of 
the new capital, led to a general rush of speculators to that 
region. It was said that the country for a considerable dis- 
tance above Tool's Point was literally all staked off. The 
sale of lots in Monroe City lasted six days, beginning on 
October 28, 1847,^^ and four hundred and fifteen lots were 
sold at prices ranging all the way from one to three hundred 
and one dollars. The amount received from the first pay- 
ment was $1797.43 — a sum which lacked $409.14 of being 
enough to pay the expenses and salaries of the commission- 
ers. John Brown and Joseph D. Hoag, it seems, felt so 
much confidence in the new city that they invested heavily 
in lots and adjacent land ; and thus they cherished dreams 
of even more ample remuneration for their services.^^ 

33 Apropos of the name of the future capital of Iowa one newspaper had this 
to say: "Among the thousands of beautiful Indian names — indigenous to the 
soil — we think that they might have selected a more appropriate and hand- 
some name than 'Monroe City'." — The Bloomington Herald, October 2, 1847. 

34: Rome Journal, 1848-1849, pp. 199, 210; The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), 
August 4, September 22, 1847; The Iowa Joxjenal of History and Politics, 
Vol. IX, p. 570. 

35 October 31, 1847, was Sunday, but the report of the commissioners states 
that the sales were continued from day to day until November 2nd, inclusive. — 
House Journal, 1848-1849, p. 199. 

36 Van der Zee's The Hollanders of Iowa, pp. 66, 67; The Iowa Journal of 
History and Politics, Vol. IX, p. 570; House Journal, 1848-1849, pp. 199- 


The capital city had not been located at the much-talked- 
of Eaccoon Forks of the Des Moines River, neither was it 
within thirty-five miles of the geographical center of the 
State. Yet, aside from an opportunity for speculation, the 
action of the commissioners in choosing such a location 
caused little comment. Even the people in Iowa City felt 
"but little interest in this movement at present, being satis- 
fied that the legislature will not remove the seat of govern- 
ment from this place, until the population shall have so 
increased in the west as to render it an act of justice to do 
so." Everyone seemed content to hope that the act for re- 
locating the capital passed by the First General Assembly 
in 1846-1847 would be repealed at the following session.^'^ 

In January, 1848, an extra session of the First General 
Assembly was called chiefly for the purpose of revising the 
school laws and electing United States Senators. Immedi- 
ately one hundred and twenty-two citizens of the State 
seized the opportunity to encourage the repeal of the law of 
the previous session providing for the re-location of the 
capital. A bill to that effect was introduced in the Senate 
on January 22nd and passed that body two days later, but 
failed to come to a vote in the House of Representatives. A 
joint resolution relative to the seat of government (prob- 
ably being concerned in some way with the location or plat 
of Monroe City, since it was referred to the committee on 
county and township organization) also passed the Senate, 
but came to naught in the House. A resolution instructing 
the committee on county and township organization to in- 
quire into the expediency of accepting Monroe City as the 
location for the new capital was tabled. The report of the 
commissioners was submitted to the Senate and ordered to 
be filed in the office of the Secretary of State.^® 

37 The Iowa Standard (Iowa City), August 4, September 8, 1847. 

38 Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. 
I, pp. 370-378; Senate Journal, 1848 (Extra Session), pp. 33, 51, 60, 61, 66, 
107, 111, 112, 115; House Journal, 1848 (Extra Session), pp. 48, 116, 123, 
142, 175, 193. 


The Second General Assembly had been in session only 
eight days when a resolution to investigate the propriety of 
vacating Monroe City was adopted by the Senate. At the 
request of the House of Representatives the Governor trans- 
mitted the report of the Monroe City commissioners to that 
body on December 15, 1848. After being read the report 
was referred to a select committee with instructions to re- 
port ''how much of said city of Monroe was under water 
and how much was burned up. ' ' On the eighteenth of De- 
cember Mr. Joseph F. Harrison, the Representative from 
Muscatine, J ohnson, and Iowa counties and a member of the 
select committee, introduced a bill to repeal the act of the 
First General Assembly providing for the re-location of the 
seat of government. Mr. L. W. Babbitt, representing 
Marion, Polk, Dallas, and Jasper counties wanted to amend 
the bill so as to locate the capital at Fort Des Moines, pro- 
vided the citizens of Polk County should refund to the pur- 
chasers of lots in Monroe City all money paid thereon. 
When this amendment failed Babbitt suggested that the 
citizens of Iowa City refund the money paid by owners of 
lots in Monroe City if they wished to retain the capital. 
The bill finally passed the House unaltered. The Senate, 
however, referred the measure to the committee on public 
buildings which reported a substitute that was passed by 
the Senate and agreed to by the House of Representatives.^® 

By the terms of this law the Treasurer of the State was 
instructed to refund all money paid by purchasers of lots 
in Monroe City, except to the commissioners who had in- 

Senate Journal, 1848-1849, pp. 34, 45, 98, 107, 218, 231, 232, 240, 259; 
Eouse Journal, 1848-1849, pp. 183, 211, 218, 224, 238, 242-244, 410, 427, 428, 
432 ; Shambaugli 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. 
I, pp. 415, 416. 

Once during the session of the Second General Assembly a bill to locate the 
capital and the State University, and to donate the public buildings at Iowa 
City to the Latter-day Saints was introduced but was soon withdrawn. — Bouse 
Journal, 1848-1849, p. 271. 


vested there,^'' and the site of the proposed future capital of 
Iowa was declared vacated, being relegated once more to the 
rattle-snakes, gophers, and prairie dogs.^^ 

No sooner had it become known that Monroe City had 
been vacated and that the permanent location of the seat of 
government was again an open question than the hopes and 
aspirations of each locality that was in the slightest way 
fitted for becoming the capital soared to the sky. Capital 
re-location was such a constantly recurring topic in the 
Third General Assembly that a Representative offered a 
resolution one day that the removal of the seat of govern- 

40 John Taylor, who had purchased no lots in Monroe City, was allowed the 
balance of his salary, $204.40, by the Second General Assembly, but John 
Brown and Joseph D. Hoag experienced much difficulty, not only in securing 
reimbursement of the money spent in purchasing lots, but in securing their 
salaries as commissioners. Time and again they petitioned the General As- 
sembly without success: that body took the attitude that they had been gov- 
erned more by private considerations than by a determination to advance the 
interests of the State, and that therefore they deserved no relief. Finally, in 
1855, the Fifth General Assembly allowed John Brown the sum of $292.70 as 
payment in full for his services as a commissioner to locate the seat of govern- 
ment and as a return of all money paid by him for lots at Monroe City. On 
his part he was to relinquish to the State all claim to the lots purchased by him. 
Joseph D. Hoag, however, was less fortunate. Until 1860 he continued to pe- 
tition one house or the other of the General Assembly. The committee on 
claims in the House of Eepresentatives of the Eighth General Assembly (1860) 
reported favorably on his claim and recommended the passage of a bill allow- 
ing him the balance of his salary, the $80.18 he had invested in Monroe City 
lots, and interest at six percent on the whole amount from the time the report 
of the commissioners had been filed in 1847. The bill was tabled, however, and 
Hoag, discouraged in his long and futile efforts, seems to have given up in 
despair.— Se?^a^e Journal, 1848-1849, pp. 88, 199, 221, 236, 241, 254, 260, 263; 
1850-1851, p. 207; 1852-1853, pp. 96, 142, 257, 293, 294, 297; 1854-1855, pp. 
36, 123, 156, 164, 165, 177, 187, 188, 227, 234, 237, 246, 247, 318, 319; 1858, pp. 
77, 390; Rouse Journal, 1848-1849, p. 408; 1850-1851, pp. 40, 192, 238, 239, 
248; 1852-1853, pp. 159, 302, 315, 347; 1854-1855, pp. 58, 277, 289, 310, 311, 
312, 325, 326, 345, 448; 1856-1857, pp. 145, 154, 167, 204, 205, 230, 231, 360, 
378, 395, 396, 412, 413, 458; 1860, pp. 120, 436. 437, 653; Laws of Iowa, 1848- 
1849, p. 193; Laws of Iowa, 1854-1855, pp. 272, 273. 

41 Laws of Iowa, 1848-1849, p. 147. The proceeds from the sale of the five 
sections of land selected by the commissioners in Jasper County for the capital 
was appropriated by the Seventh General Assembly for the benefit of the State 
Agricultural College established at that time. — Laws of Iowa, 1858, p. 174. 


ment be postponed until after the storm. Seventy-four pe- 
titions, signed by practically four thousand three hundred 
citizens, all of them from the southern counties, were pre- 
sented — sixty-two in the House and twelve in the Senate. 

Thirty-eight of these petitions favored Fort Des Moines 
as the site for the capital, thirty-one were for Oskaloosa, 
eleven for Pella, two for Red Rock, and two others simply 
asked that the seat of government be moved. While the 
number of petitions would seem to indicate that Fort Des 
Moines was the favorite location for the capital, Oskaloosa 
was probably the choice of the greatest number of petition- 
ers. In the petitions presented to the House 1662 signers 
asked that the capital be located at Oskaloosa, 204 were in 
favor of Pella, while only 155 could be mustered for Fort 
Des Moines. Furthermore, three remonstrances were re- 
ceived from Marion County against removing the seat of 
government to Fort Des Moines, probably with the hope of 
improving the chances of Oskaloosa, Pella, or Red Rock 
(now Cordova).*^ 

The Hollanders at Pella were particularly anxious to win 
the capital of the State for their town. Henry P. Scholte, 
one of the leaders in the colony, offered to donate land suf- 
ficient for a site. The committee on federal relations, to 
which his memorial was referred, reported in the following 
reassuring words : ''We are of the opinion, that the petition- 
er has no reason to fear that Pella will be overlooked or in 
anywise neglected, whenever the legislature may deem it 
necessary to relocate the seat of government, from the fact 
that a majority of the citizens of that place were from Hol- 
land, we make no distinction between our own native citi- 
zens and those of any foreign country".*^ 

*2 House Journal, 1850-1851, pp. 69, 72, 113, 160, 161, 166, 173, 177, 178, 
185, 207, 208, 216, 220, 235, 244, 249, 350; Senate Journal, 1850-1851, pp. 59, 
66, 67, 113, 119, 120, 125, 143, 144, 170, 218, 307. 

43 House Journal, 1850-1851, pp. 69, 160, 168. 


Two bills — one locating the permanent capital at Fort 
Des Moines and the other at Pella — were introduced in the 
House of Representatives during the Third General Assem- 
bly in 1850-1851. They were referred to a select committee 
which reported as follows : 

The select committee to whom was referred H. R. file No. 128, a 
bill for ' ' an act to locate the seat of government of the state of Iowa 
at Fort Des Moines;" and H. R. file No. 161, a bill for "an act to 
provide for the location of the permanent seat of government of the 
state of Iowa at Pella," together with sundry petitions upon the 
same subject, report that they find that Fort Des Moines has a ma- 
jority of the petitioners in its favor for the future seat of govern- 
ment over all other places petitioned for. 

Your committee taking into consideration the probable increase of 
population in the western portion of the state, are of opinion that the 
seat of government cannot in justice to that portion of the state 
remain but a few years at Iowa City. 

Your committee entertain no doubt that when the seat of govern- 
ment is removed that it will be re-located at the town of Fort Des 

Your committee are of opinion that the time for said removal as 
fixed in H. R. file No. 128 is just and equitable, and that the seat of 
government ought to be removed at that time. 

Your committee therefore recommend the passage of H. R. file 
No. 128, and that H. R. file No. 161 be indefinitely postponed. 

One Representative thought the matter ought to be de- 
cided by a vote of the people at the next general election, 
but the majority of the members were of another mind. The 
bill to remove the capital to Fort Des Moines being under 
consideration, Cedar Falls, Pella, and Davenport were of- 
fered as substitutes to no avail; and finally the bill was 
dropped. A bill of the same character was introduced in 
the Senate, but never came to a vote.^'* 

The whole situation was well summarized by the com- 

** House Journal, 1850-1851, pp. 221, 236, 289, 326-330; Senate Journal, pp. 
175, 186, 187, 224, 238, 250, 288. 


mittee on public buildings in the House of Eepresentatives 
which reported as follows : 

The first thing that your committee considered with reference to 
the prayer of your petitioners was, should the capital be removed at 
all, from Iowa City? To this proposition there are many weighty 
objections, some of which it may be necessary to notice in this report. 

Your committee are of the opinion that removing the capital of a 
state is of too much importance to be acted upon without due consid- 
eration, and weighing well the consequences to the state and the 
justice and injustice to individuals. 

To remove the capital before public opinion has settled upon the 
site of the future seat of government would not have the effect of 
allaying public excitement on that subject but on the contrary 
would increase it. Although a large majority of the petitioners ask 
that the capital be located at Oskaloosa, yet to grant their prayer 
would only increase petitions from other quarters for the simple 
reason that public opinion has not settled upon any place in prefer- 
ence to all others. This should cause us to pause. There is too much 
at stake to act hastily. 

But there are reasons of a pecuniary character which ought to 
have their due influence in controlling the vote of the general as- 
sembly on this important question. 

We have at the present seat of government a state house built at 
great expense, and if the capital be removed the state must build 
another house at an expense of probably one hundred thousand 
dollars. This is a matter of some consequence to the state of Iowa 
without a dime in the treasury, and in debt to an amount of near the 
maximum that we are allowed to go in debt under our constitution. 
How is the house to be built ? It must be by taxation. Those towns 
which are petitioning for the capital offer lands, &c., to aid in build- 
ing the state house, but your committee have but little confidence in 
the state realising, much from such offers. Different places have 
made bids of this kind. While your committee would not recom- 
mend the selling of the capital to the highest bidder, yet, other 
things being equal, money or lands sufficient to build a good state 
house, might with propriety be taken by the state, and would re- 
move one great objection to the removing at this time. 

But then another objection to removing the capital, which your 

VOL. XIV — 6 



committee think claims notice and demands the calm consideration 
of the House. 

Many persons have located in and near Iowa City because it was 
the Capital of the State, and as we have reason to suppose they ex- 
pected it to remain so. With this expectation they paid more for 
their property than they otherwise would have done. Under this 
belief, they have built houses, commenced merchandising and in- 
vested their funds in many ways, on the faith of the state permit- 
ting the Capital to remain. These persons, if the Capital be removed, 
must be the sufferers to some considerable extent. Perhaps to the 
ruin of many. The interest therefore of the state, and the interest 
of individuals, stand against the removal of the seat of government ; 
and these objections are of themselves sufficient to cause the legis- 
lature to act with much caution. People are to[o] apt to act from 
selfish and local feelings on subjects of this nature. No such feel- 
ings should ever actuate any one, much less any member of the 
State Legislature. With feelings of impartiality, and for the good 
of the whole State, should we consider such a question. 

It then became the duty of your committee to examine the reasons 
which your petitioners urge for the removal. They are, principally, 
that Iowa City being on one side of the state, (within thirty miles of 
the state line) is too far remote from the centre of population, and 
from the geographical center of the state, to remain the seat of gov- 
ernment much longer, that the convenience of the citizens of Iowa 
demand that the Capital be somewhere in the valley of the Des 
Moines river. 

Your committee are well aware that this is an argument of much 
force and difficult to answer, when the present Capital is so far from 
the centre of population now, and every year becoming more and 
more so, in consequence of the middle and western part of the state 
increasing faster in population than the eastern. The justice of 
having the Capital near the centre of population, no one will at- 
tempt to deny. 

At the time the present seat of government was located, Iowa City 
was on the extreme west of the settlements; but settlements have 
constantly been increasing westwardly, until they have reached the 
Missouri river, (the western boundary of Iowa.) 

Under these circumstances, in justice to the whole state, is it right 
and proper that Iowa City should be the future Capital ? Can we. 


in looking at the geography of Iowa, say the Capital shall never go 
any further west ? Your committee are unable to come to any such 

While they think it impolitic and premature, to pass any law re- 
moving the Capital, at this time, yet they think that in a few years 
the Capital must, and of right ought to be located further west. 

As your committee think it premature to remove the Capital at 
this time, therefore, they do not see proper to recommend any site 
for it to be placed. The three places petitioned for, viz: Pella, 
Oskaloosa and Fort Des Moines, are either of them, considered near 
enough the centre of prospective population ; and, also the geograph- 
ical centre, for the future capitol. So far as your committee know, 
they all, and each, possess many advantages which would recom- 
mend them, as a proper place for a site on which to locate the new 
capital. But your committee will not recommend either in prefer- 
ence to the other, believing that the question should be fairly and 
openly discussed before the people, and that public opinion will fix 
upon some place and justice be done to all. 

Your committee in conclusion, beg leave to submit the following 
resolutions : 

Resolved, That justice to the citizens in the western part of the 
state, will in a few years, demand that the Capital be removed west- 

Resolved, That it is inexpedient to legislate on the subject of re- 
moving the Capital at this time.*^ 

The experience of the Third General Assembly on the 
capital removal question was repeated at the succeeding 
legislative session. Thirty-one petitions were sent to the 
Senate and eight to the House of Representatives. Twenty- 
eight of them favored the establishment of the State capital 
at Fort Des Moines. On the petitions read in the Senate 
alone there were 1642 signatures, of which 1209 were for the 
Des Moines location, 146 for Pella, 131 for Oskaloosa, and 
105 for Tool's Point. All of the petitions presented in the 
House favored Fort Des Moines.*® 

*5 House Journal, 1850-1851, pp. 350-353. 

46 Senate Jmirnal, 1852-1853, pp. 35, 68, 69, 80, 85, 96, 97, 102, 108, 117, 119, 
120, 126, 132, 141, 197; House Journal, 1852-1853, pp. 91, 177, 191, 263, 276, 


As testimonials of the good faith of the petitioners and 
as added inducements to the government, various proposi- 
tions were offered. Certain citizens of Mahaska County- 
presented a bond of $50,000 contingent upon the removal of 
the seat of government to Oskaloosa, while citizens of Fort 
Des Moines and Polk County gave a bond guaranteeing to 
save the State any expense incurred in removing the capital 
to Fort Des Moines. Henry P. Scholte again offered to 
donate land to the State if the capital should be located at 
Pella. His proposition was duplicated by Adam M. Tool 
and other citizens of Jasper County, while another group of 
Jasper County citizens proposed to give either land or 
money, provided the seat of government should be estab- 
lished at Tool's Point.*^ 

A bill to locate the capital at Pella and another to estab- 
lish it at Fort Des Moines were introduced in the Senate 
during the Fourth General Assembly in 1852-1853 ; but 
neither bill was passed. There was also presented a resolu- 
tion requesting that the difference in the amount of mileage 
of State officers in going to and from the various points 
suggested as capitals be estimated in order to aid in deter- 
mining upon the re-location of the seat of government, but 
the resolution was not adopted.*® 

It was during the session of the Fourth General Assembly 
that Senator A. Y. Hull of Polk County did his utmost to 
win the capital for Fort Des Moines. In a speech delivered 
on December 31, 1852, he deplored the local jealousies en- 
gendered between citizens of the same Commonwealth, 
urging that the people act together for the ultimate welfare 
of the State. Fort Des Moines he regarded as the only eligi- 
ble site for the capital, ' * situated in the center of the state, 
at the head of the proposed navigation, on a beautiful eleva- 

47 Senate Journal, 1852-1853, pp. 51, 52, 97, 102, 108, 117, 136, 159, 214. 

48 Senate Journal, 1852-1853, pp. 25, 26, 35, 40, 41, 48, 94, 95, 97, 114, 118, 
124, 129-131, 135-139, 141, 144, 145. 


tion between the two rivers, far above the contingency of 
high water, in a region of unsurpassed fertility, surrounded 
by timber, the region roundabout underlaid with coal, with 
extensive mines of gypsum, tributary thereto, and with an 
abundance of pure water." A strong reason, he thought, 
for the immediate re-location of the seat of government was 
the great system of internal improvements which was being 
developed. It was deemed important that the location of 
the permanent capital be effected before the railroad lines 
were established. ''Give us the Capital at Fort Des 
Moines," he said, "railroads checquering our entire State 
bringing us in connection with the cities of the Mississippi 
and Missouri rivers — the Des Moines river on the South — 
[and] we will grow up a great and prosperous inland city 
which, in point of commercial importance, will be second to 
no city in the west."^^ 

When the Fifth General Assembly (1854—1855) met it was 
generally understood that the removal of the capital could 
not be postponed much longer. From 1847 to 1854 the pop- 
ulation of Iowa grew from 116,454 to 326,500 ; while in the 
two years following there was an increase of 191,375. 
Whereas in 1847 the census had been taken in only thirty- 
two counties, in 1854 the enumeration covered sixty-seven 
counties and in 1856 fourteen more were added, all but one 
of the latter being north or northwest of Fort Des Moines.'"' 
It had been discovered that the western part of the State 
was by no means the barren area it had been supposed to be. 
Settlements were being made in the farthermost corners, 
and it was evident that it would be only a short time until 

49 Brigham 's History of Des Moines and Polk County, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 137, 

50 Iowa Historical and Comparative Census, 1880, pp. 196-198. The next 
census was not taken until 1859, two years after the capital had been established 
at Des Moines. Then the population of the State was 642,578 and there were 
only seven of the present counties which the count did not include. 


the western part of the State would equal, if not surpass, 
the eastern section in importance. As time went on the citi- 
zens of eastern Iowa had become reconciled to the inevitable 
removal of the seat of government. The very first bill in- 
troduced in the House of Eepresentatives of the Fifth 
General Assembly, in which fifty of the sixty-four Eepre- 
sentatives were from the east and southeast, was to re-locate 
the capital, although few petitions on the subject were pre- 
sented. In both houses resolutions were offered to remove 
the seat of government nearer the center of the State, urg- 
ing that it was the duty of the Assembly to act at once. 
Public opinion seems to have quite generally settled upon 
Fort Des Moines as the logical place for the future State 
capital, strategically situated as it was on the greatest in- 
terior waterway of Iowa and at a point approximating the 
center of the Commonwealth.^^ 

The fight in the General Assembly for the adoption of 
an act authorizing the removal of the capital to Des Moines 
was, however, by no means tame or uneventful. General 
James A. Williamson, who was prominent among those 
who secured the legislation for removal, when asked by an 
investigating committee what influences he had used, re- 
plied that he had employed "all lawful and legal means 
. . . . including Chesapeake and Sardinian appliances, 
and any quantity of whiskey." Furthermore, Eobert 
Gower declared in the constitutional convention of 1857 that 
the capital had been moved to Des Moines to satisfy the 
"selfishness of the few", that the means used were "money, 
town lots, and oyster suppers", openly maintaining that the 
passage of the act had been procured by fraud and bribery. 
He produced correspondence to show that a big lobby from 
Fort Des Moines had been present during a large portion of 

Mouse Journal, 1854-1855, pp. 55, 56, 60, 139-142, 200, 234; Senate Jour- 
nal, 1854-1855, pp. 94, 117; Iowa City Republican, June 5, 1856; Annals of 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VI, p. 381. 


the session and that members of the General Assembly had 
been offered many inducements to vote for the removal of 
the capital to that place. It seems that certain citizens of 
Des Moines even appropriated some land to defray the ex- 
penses of persons kept at Iowa City to lobby the bill through 
the legislature. 

Bills were introduced in both houses, the one originating 
in the Senate finally gaining enactment. An attempt was 
made to have the act read Oskaloosa in place of a point with- 
in two miles of the junction of the Des Moines and Raccoon 
rivers ; several efforts were made to extend the scope of the 
area within which the site could be selected; and in both 
houses amendments were offered referring the whole matter 
to a vote of the people; but the bill finally escaped un- 

The Governor was to appoint five commissioners to deter- 
mine upon the exact site. They were to meet during the 
following April, take an oath for the faithful and impartial 
discharge of their duties, and proceed to locate the seat of 
government ''within two miles of the junction of the Des 
Moines and Racoon rivers ' '. In making the selection it was 
their duty to obtain at least enough land for the capitol and 
other necessary buildings without charge to the State, and 
all other grants and donations within their power. Suitable 
buildings were to be erected without expense to the State, 

S2 Beport on Alleged Frauds in the Location of the Capitol, pp. 37-44; De- 
bates of the Constitutional Convention of 1857, Vol. II, pp. 923, 924; Senate 
Journal, 185^1855, pp. 32, 51, 59, 128, 134, 135, 144, 145-149, 157, 160, 237, 
260, 288; Bcmse Journal, 1'854-1855, pp. 91, 120, 264-266, 293-302, 311, 333, 
334, 397. 

Those who favored Mount Pleasant for the seat of government were probably 
pacified by the taeit understanding that the State insane asylum would be lo- 
cated there, although Fairfield and Oskaloosa were also mentioned in that con- 
nection. Indeed, it appears that an extensive building was begun at Mount 
Pleasant without authority of law. Actual establishment did not occur until 
1858. — Debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1857, Vol. II, pp. 925, 926; 
Laws of Iowa, 1858, p. 264. 


the General Assembly meeting and the State officers retain- 
ing their offices at Iowa City until accommodations were 
provided at the new seat of government.^^ 

Governor James W. Grimes appointed Joseph H. D. 
Street, Stewart Goodrell, Benjamin R. Pegram, Guy Wells, 
and John A. L. Crookham as the locating commission.^* 
They met at Fort Des Moines on April 18, 1856, were duly 
qualified, and proceeded with their work. Great excitement 
prevailed at the Raccoon Forks of the Des Moines River. 
The fort and settlement on the west side of the Des Moines 
River afforded many advantages, but large tracts of land 
were owned by speculators east of the river. The people on 
the west side accused those on the east of offering personal 
bribes to the commissioners ; while the citizens to the east of 
the river replied that similar inducements had already been 
used by parties on the west side. The feeling was intense, 
sometimes vituperative. A donation of twenty acres of land 
worth nearly $100,000, to be used as the location of the cap- 
itol, and real estate worth approximately $200,000 offered 
to the State at a fair price, were the inducements presented 
by citizens on the west side for the location of the capitol in 

63 Laws of Iowa, 1854-1855, pp. 105-107. 

A Democratic senatorial convention for the twenty-sixth district held at 
Marshall (now Marshalltown) , on June 28, 1856, adopted the following resolu- 
tion: "Resolved, That the Democracy of the 26th Senatorial District of the 
State of Iowa, are opposed to the location and removal of the State Capital, 
from Iowa City to Ft. Des Moines or Desmoines City, and that we will use our 
endeavors by every consistent and legitimate means to retain the same where it 
now is. " A similar resolution was adopted by the Republican convention held 
at Toledo. An attempt to repeal the act to locate the capital at Des Moines 
during the extra session of the General Assembly in 1856 was indefinitely post- 
poned. — Daily Evening Eeporter (Iowa City), July 12, 1856; Hoxbse Journal, 
1856 (Extra Session), p. 74. 

5* A contemporary account gives Lincoln Clark as one of the commissioners 
in place of Joseph H. D. Street. His name does not appear in the official rec- 
ords, however. Mr. Street was president of the commission and Mr. Crookham, 
secretary. — The Daily Gate City (Keokuk), March 15, 1856; Report on Alleged 
Frauds in the Location of the Capitol, pp. 30, 69. 


what is now West Des Moines. It appears, however, that all 
but one of the commissioners (Mr. Goodrell) became pri- 
vately interested in property east of the Des Moines River, 
which fact offers about the only apparent reason why they 
should have accepted a smaller bonus to the State and 
chosen the location which is the present site of the capitol 
building.^^ A tract of land containing a little over ten acres, 
donated by W. A. Scott and Harrison Lyon, was selected on 
April 21st for the location of the state-house. The site was 
described by Governor Grimes as "a gentle swell of land 
about three quarters of a mile east of Fort Des Moines, and 
on the east side of the river. It commands a good prospect 
and seems to be well adapted to the purpose for which it has 
been selected."^*' 

To fulfill the further requirements of the law that a suit- 
able building must be erected without cost to the State, a 

55 In 1858 a committee was appointed by the House of Eepresentatives to in- 
vestigate cliarges of alleged frauds in the location of the capitol in 1856, made 
by the citizens of Polk County who probably still entertained hopes of disturb- 
ing the location of the capitol if not causing its removal to the west side of the 
river in Des Moines. Two charges were entered against the commissioners : that 
they had not acted with a ' ' strict regard to the interests of the entire State ' ' 
and that they had suffered themselves to be influenced by personal bribes. 
While enough evidence was produced to convince the majority of the committee 
of the truth of the indictment, nothing definite could be ascertained because the 
chief witnesses refused to testify. — House Journal, 1858, pp. 711-717; Eeport 
on Alleged Frauds in the Location of the Capitol, pp. 28, 29. 

House Journal, 1858, pp. 712-716; Brigham's History of Des Moines and 
Polk County, Iowa, Vol. I, p. 141 ; Iowa Historical Record, Vol. IV, p. 110 ; 
Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Goverriors of Iowa, Vol. II, 
p. 36; The Daily Gate City (Keokuk), April 30, 18.56; The Washington Press, 
May 7, 1856; The Register and Leader (Des Moines), July 4, 1909; Proceedings 
of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa, 1902, pp. 77, 78. 

The city of Des Moines, consisting of seven wards, three on the east side of 
the Des Moines Eiver and four on the west, was incorporated by an act ap- 
proved on January 28, 1857, which took effect on February 16, 1857. The word 
"Fort" was now dropped from the name. — Laws of Iowa, 1856-1857, pp. 281- 

Aside from the tract of land upon which the capitol is located two other im- 
portant conveyances were made to the State in 1856. James A. Williamson 
and Thomas A. Walker gave about two and one-fifth acres, known as State 


Capitol Building Association was organized, consisting of 
the citizens of Des Moines, among whom the most prominent 
were Thomas K. Brooks, W. A. Scott, James A. Williamson, 
Joseph M. Griffith, Harry H. Griffith, J. D. Cavenor, Alex- 
ander Shaw, and Harrison Lyon.^'^ During the summer of 
1856 work upon the three-story structure known as the Old 
Brick Capitol, located on lots eleven and twelve in block six 
of Scott's Addition where the Soldiers' Monument now 
stands, was pushed with energy, the masonry work being 
finished by October. It was impossible, however, to have the 
building ready for the use of the Sixth General Assembly 
during the winter of 1856-1857. Following the location of 
the capital, trade and speculation had been rampant in Des 
Moines, but in the fall there came hard times ; and the cap- 
itol and other large buildings were only partially completed. 
An Iowa City newspaper, still clinging to the idea that the 
removal of the capital was premature, thought it would be 
"the part of wisdom to keep the Capital where it is, until 
permanent buildings are erected ; in view of the accessibility 
of Iowa City and the unquestioned fact that it is the centre 
of the more populous part of the State. "^^ 

Square, bounded on the west by Thirteenth Street, on the east by C Street, on 
the north by Walker Street, and on the south by Maple Street. This tract of 
land was sold by the State for $8500 in accordance with an act of the Thirtieth 
General Assembly. Governor's Square, containing a little over five and one- 
half acres, bounded by Walnut, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Streets and block 
eleven of Brooks and Co. 's Addition was donated by Thomas K. Brooks and 
Wilson A. Scott. In accordance with the contemplated extension of the State 
eapitol grounds provision was made by the legislature in 1913 to sell Governor's 
Square. — Proceedings of the Pioneer LawmaTcers' Association of Iowa, 1902, pp. 
78, 79; Laws of Iowa, 1913, p. 17. 

67 Accounts differ as to the exact personnel of the Association but practically 
agree on those mentioned. — Iowa Historical 'Record, Vol. IV, p. Ill; Proceed- 
ings of the Pioneer LawmaTcers' Association of Iowa, 1902, p. 77; Laws of Iowa, 
1864, p. 106. 

6S Proceedings of the Pioneer LawmaTcers' Association of Iowa, 1902, p. 77; 
Iowa Historical Record, Vol. IV, p. Ill; Baily Evening Reporter (Iowa City), 


There was indeed some agitation in the Sixth General As- 
sembly (1856-1857) for the repeal of the act of 1855 locating 
the capital at Des Moines. A petition to that effect was pre- 
sented in the House of Eepresentatives, while a public meet- 
ing at Washington, Iowa, sent to the State Senate the 
following resolution : 

Whereas, a proposition is now submitted, or is about to be sub- 
mitted to the present General Assembly of the State of Iowa, to 
repeal the law passed by the 5th General Assembly, entitled "an act 
to relocate the seat of Government, ' ' therefore, 

Resolved That our Senator and Representatives in the present 
General Assembly be instructed to vote for, and favor in every 
legitimate way, a law having that object in view.^^ 

Such an act was introduced in the House of Representa- 
tives on January 12, 1857, but it was tabled on the following 
day. The whole agitation for repeal seems to have arisen 
from a misunderstanding of conditions in regard to the land 
and buildings at Des Moines, many people becoming greatly 
excited when they learned that the temporary capitol build- 
September 12, October 8, 1856; The Washington Press, October 8, 1856; Iowa 
City Republican, June 5, 1856. 

A contemporary account describes the Old Brick Capitol as follows: 
"It is situated on a fine eminence on the east side of the Desmoines River, 
overlooking the entire city. It is composed of brick, with the sills of the win- 
dows and foundations made of cut stone. The dimensions of the Capitol are 
one hundred feet long, and fifty-six feet wide. The first story is eleven feet 
between floor and ceiling ; the second is eleven and a half ; the third is eighteen 
feet. The Senate Chamber is fifty-six long, and thirty-four wide. The Repre- 
sentative Hall is fifty-six feet long, by fifty wide. The Supreme Court Room is 
fifty feet long by twenty-four wide. The State Library Room is thirty-four by 
twenty-four, and the State OflSce Rooms, each, are twenty-four by twenty-three 
feet. The building is roofed with tin, and the style of Architecture is Ionic. 
The entire height of the Dome is eighty-five feet. A bell has been contracted 
for, weighing fifteen hundred pounds. There is also a fire vault, the dimensions 
of which are nine feet by eleven. The Building fronts the Public Square on the 
north, and the city on the west, and will be completed by the 1st. of May, 
19,57."— The Washington Press, March 25, 1857. 

5^ Senate Journal, 1856-1857, p. 316; Bouse Journal, 1856-1857, pp. 289, 
290; The Washington Press, January 14, 1857. 


ing was being erected by private funds on private ground 
and was not to be owned by the State.®'' For a time it was 
thought that the repeal would carry, but the building com- 
mittee explained that a lease had been executed whereby the 
State would have free use of the building for any number 
of years. This explanation seemed to satisfy the critics.®^ 
The question of the permanent location of the capital 
came before the constitutional convention of 1857 in connec- 
tion with the location of the State University. During the 
second week of the convention a resolution was offered to 
inquire into the expediency of permanently locating the seat 
of government, the State University, and the asylums for 
the blind and the deaf and dumb. The location of the Uni- 
versity caused the greatest amount of discussion and it was 
largely in that connection that the capital was mentioned. 
The inclusion in the new Constitution of the compromise of 
1847, whereby the State University was to be located at 
Iowa City whenever the capital should be removed was per- 
sistently insisted upon, in spite of proposals to establish the 

60 As a matter of fact the erection of the Old Brick Capitol was financed 
mainly with money borrowed from the school fund. When, on account of di- 
vided public sentiment in Des Moines in regard to the site the local pledge to 
provide a suitable building without cost to the State was not fulfilled by the 
community, members of the Capitol Building Association found themselves un- 
able to meet their financial obligations. The Seventh General Assembly was, 
therefore, petitioned to purchase the building. Not until 1864, however, did the 
State pay for the Old Brick Capitol, redeem the diverted school fund, and re- 
lieve the men who had undertaken to provide the temporary capitol.- — Brigham 's 
History of Des Moines and Folic County, Iowa, Vol. I, p. 149; Senate Journal, 
1858, p. 241; Laws of Iowa, 1864, pp. 106-109. 

61 House Journal, 1856-1857, pp. 255, 256, 273 ; Senate Journal, 18.56-1857, 
pp. 202, 235; The Washington Press, January 28, February 4, 1857. The Sixth 
General Assembly still refused to transfer the public buildings at Iowa City to 
the State University, in spite of the prospect of the succeeding legislative ses- 
sion being held in Des Moines. — House Journal, 1856-1857, p. 215. 

A resolution to inquire into the expediency of locating the State University, 
the capital, and the asylums for the blind and the deaf and dumb on the five 
sections selected for Monroe City was entertained in the Senate, but was im- 
mediately tabled. — Senate Journal, 1856-1857, p. 408. 


University at the former site of Monroe City, to leave the 
matter to a vote of the people, or to rest the decision with 
the legislature. It was objected that such clauses would 
overload the Constitution with affairs of local interest. But 
the judgment of those who wished permanently to settle the 
question finally prevailed, and the convention incorporated 
in the Constitution of 1857 the following section: "The seat 
of Government is hereby permanently established, as now 
fixed by law, at the City of Des Moines, in the County of 
Polk ; and the State University at Iowa City, in the County 
of Johnson. '"^^ 

In order to validify the acts of State officers and to fulfill 
his duty prescribed by the act of 1855 re-locating the seat of 
government. Governor James W. Grimes on October 19, 
1857, officially declared * ' the Capital of the State of Iowa to 
be established under the constitution and laws of the State 
at Des Moines in Polk County".*'^ Although the new capitol 
building at Des Moines was still unfinished, the State officers 
had begun packing and moving the contents of their several 
offices by the first of October. Snow flew before the task 
was completed. The following description from the pen of 
a contemporary is illustrative of the difficulties encountered 
in removing the records and other necessary equipment of 
the various State offices from Iowa City to Des Moines : 

The removal of the state offices and the archives belonging to the 
state was a matter of no ordinary undertaking. There were no rail- 

62 Debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1857, Vol. I, p. 88; Vol. II, 
pp. 648, 770, 771, 801, 811, 824, 838-841, 877, 922-934, 1017, 1092; Constitution 
of Iowa, Art. XI, Sec. 8. 

63 In spite of the seemingly irrevocable action of the General Assembly, the 
constitutional convention, and the Governor, there were nevertheless some reso- 
lutions introduced in the House of Eepresentatives during the session of the 
Seventh General Assembly to remove the capital from Des Moines to Marshall, 
in Marshall County. A bill was even introduced providing for the re-location of 
the seat of government, but it was declared to be unconstitutional by the com- 
mittee on the judiciary. — Souse Journal, 1858, pp. 566, 578, 708. 


roads in the state, and the public highways were hut dimly outlined 
in our wide extended prairies. Skunk river had to be crossed to 
reach Des Moines. This stream had a bad reputation that extended 
from Maine to California as to its habit of spreading itself. Several 
of the small' streams had no bridges. Therefore, teamsters and con- 
tractors were not anxious to undertake the job of removal. The 
citizens and teamsters of Des Moines, however, solved the problem 
by sending men and teams from Des Moines to assist in the removal. 
Among the men sent was the Rev. Ezra Rathburn one of Des 
Moines' pioneer ministers. 

The removal of the four safes, consisting of one each for the secre- 
tary of state, the treasurer of state, the auditor of state, and the 
superintendent of public instruction, was let to Dr. Jesse Bowen of 
Iowa City, who delivered them safely in the new capitol after many 
days of hard and tedious work. The state treasurer's safe was much 
the largest and very heavy. During the journey it was left in the 
open prairie near Little Four Mile creek in Polk county for several 
days and nights, until the storm abated and the ground was frozen 
sufficient so that it could be hauled on a large bob-sled. When it 
arrived in Des Moines it was drawn by ten yoke of oxen. Its arrival 
was hailed with great delight, not only by the citizens of Des Moines, 
but by the state officers and their deputies, for in it was the gold and 
silver coin that was to pay them their last month 's salary.**^ 

Almost twenty years elapsed from the time when Iowa 
was organized as a Territory until the capital of the State 
was permanently located at Des Moines. During that pe- 
riod there were seventeen sessions of the General Assembly. 
Although Des Moines has been the seat of government of 
Iowa for fifty-eight years it is only within the last thirty- 
two years that a permanent capitol building has been af- 
forded by the State. From the time when the Old Brick 
Capitol became the home of the government, in October, 
1857, it continued to house the State offices and the General 
Assembly for twenty-six years, witnessing sixteen sessions 
of the legislature. 

6* Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. 
II, p. 110; The Washington Press, November 4, 1857; Proceedings of the Pio- 
neer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa, 1902, pp. 79, 80. 


In 1909 a commission was appointed to locate and erect a 
memorial to the memory of William B. Allison. In the work 
of this commission the movement for the expansion of the 
capitol grounds had its inception, although the improve- 
ment of the grounds has been urged by every Governor since 
1900. Now it appears that Iowa is to surround its capitol 
by improvements that will do honor to the chief edifice of 
the Commonwealth. 

John E. Bkiggs 

The State Historical Societt of Iowa 

Iowa City Iowa > : 


[For fifteen years the Fox Indians, dwelling upon the Fox River in eastern 
Wisconsin, had been spreading terror among French traders and missionaries 
and all the tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley. To the few Frenchmen and 
their numerous Indian allies in this region life meant one continuous round of 
turmoil and fear of the Fox hatchet. The main French avenue of travel to the 
Mississippi River peoples, the Fox- Wisconsin waterway through the heart of the 
Fox country, became deserted and the business in furs and skins was practically 

Then, in the year 1727, two crushing defeats were administered to the Foxes. 
The clouds of war seemed at last to be clearing away, but it was not long be- 
fore the French heard rumors of Fox intrigues with the unsubjeeted Sioux 
Indians of the southern Minnesota region. It was to prevent an alliance be- 
tween these tribes that the Governor-General of Canada (New France) per- 
mitted a trading company to set up Fort Beauharnois in the Sioux country and 
despatched Rene Boucher, Sieur de la Perriere, as commandant, and with him 
Fathers Michel Guignas and Nicolas de Gonnor. The new post was accordingly 
constructed on the western shore of Lake Pepin in the autumn of the year 1727 
by a party of Frenchmen. One year later the fort was almost completely 

What happened must be told in the words of the commandant's nephew, a 
French ensign, Pierre Boucher, Sieur de Boucherville, the following translation 
of whose narrative, with footnotes by the present writer, is reprinted from the 
Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 36-56. — Jacob Van der Zee.] 

After the failure of the expedition against the Renards/ 
Monsieur De Ligneris sent seven Frenchmen and two 
FoUes-avoines to inform me of all that had happened in 
order that I might take proper measures for our safety, and 
that I might induce the Scioux to refuse their protection to 
the Renards. 

On September 9, 1728, two days after the arrival of the 
seven Frenchmen, I sent six of our people to conduct to the 

1 The French name for the Fox or Musquakie Indians, a remnant of whom 
now live in Tama County, Iowa, and in Oklahoma. 




Scioux at Sault St. Antoine^ two Folles-avoines who had 
acted as guides to Monsieur De Ligneri's envoys, and who 
were commissioned on behalf of all the savages living below 
to exhort the Scioux to take sides against the Renards, or 
at least to refuse them an asylum in their country. 

These envoys returned to the Fort some days afterwards, 
rather dissatisfied with the result of their negotiations. 
After accepting their presents and amusing them with fine 
promises, the Scioux soon let them see that they had renard 
hearts. Nevertheless Ouacautape accompanied them on 
their return, and assured me that the Renards would never 
secure a refuge amongst the Scioux. 

But, seeing that it would be unwise to confide in these 
inconstant tribes, I gathered all our French together on 
September 18, in order to come to a final decision. All were 
of opinion that the post was no longer tenable ; that the re- 
maining provisions would not suffice for our subsistence 
until the arrival of the convoys ; that the fugitive Renards 
would employ their usual stratagems to seduce our allies, 
and that — to comply with the order of Monsieur De 
Ligneris who forbade us to expose ourselves ill-advisedly 
by keeping so unsafe a post — it was better to depart at 
once and to take advantage of our enemies' difficulties. 
After coming to this decision, all withdrew and each one 
made his preparations for the departure. 

On the following day several told me that they had 
changed their minds and would be unable to sell their goods 
elsewhere. In vain I represented to them that the king's 
service and the welfare of the colony should prevail over 
private interests ; their minds were made up and I was com- 
pelled to leave without them. 

We took three canoes and started on October 3, to the 
number of twelve amongst whom were the Reverend Father 

2 Falls of St. Anthony at the present city of Minneapolis. 

voii. XIV — 7 


Guignos and the Messieurs Monbrun.^ Although the wa- 
ters of the Mississippi were low, we deemed it advisable to 
attempt that route in order to reach the Illinois country and 
proceed thence to Montreal.* 

Hardly had we arrived opposite the Ouisconsin than we 
discovered traces of a party of Renards; and after three 
days' journey, we found their canoes, which they had left at 
the river of the Ayous in order to penetrate more easily 
into the depths of the surrounding country. 

On October 12, somewhere near the river of the Kika- 
pousj" we found other camping places, traces of men, women, 
and children ; and on the fifteenth, we saw a number of ani- 
mals running along the shore who seemed to be flying from 
hunters. Great fires that were lighted and the noise of 
some gun-shots led me to believe that the enemy was not 
far off. For greater safety I deemed it expedient to travel 
at night; but, as the waters were very low, our birch-bark 
canoes were in danger of being broken at any moment. 

On the 16th, at eight o'clock in the morning some Kika- 
pous discovered us and, leaving their pirogues, they ran to 
the village situated on a small river three leagues from the 
Mississippi. As we approached the mouth of this little 
river ^ we saw a number of savages coming by land and in 

3 Jean Baptiste Boucher de Montbrun and Francois Bouelier de Montbrun 
were brothers. They seem to have been the leaders in the trading enterprise 
which they were now leaving. 

4 The party proposed to descend the Mississippi to the Illinois Eiver, and from 
thence overland to the Ohio Eiver, and on to Detroit and Montreal. 

5 The river of the Ayous Indians (so called perhaps because the loways then 
dwelt upon its banks) is believed to be the Wapsipinicon River in Iowa. The 
Eock River in Illinois was also called the Kickapoo because the Kickapoos had 
a large village upon its banks. 

The editor of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin makes the following 
statement : 

"There seems to be no basis for the identification of this 'little river,' other 
than that it was known as 'Riviere aux Boeufs' and was three days below Rock 
River. Possibly it was the present Skunk River in Iowa, just above the Des 



canoes with the apparent intention of barring our way. We 
at once loaded our twenty-five guns, resolved to defend our- 
selves stoutly. They called out to us from afar: ''What 
fear ye, my brothers 1 The Eenards are far from here. We 
are Kikapous and Mascoutins'' and have no evil design." 
I sent two Frenchmen and the interpreter to whom they 
said that their village was only three leagues from where 
we were ; that they were in want of everything ; that they 
would be glad to have us stay a day or two with them and to 
trade with us. But seeing that in spite of their fine prom- 
ises we were making ready to proceed on our way, they sur- 
rounded us with their twenty-five pirogues, calling out as 
loud as they could: "Frenchmen, do not resist; we have no 
evil design in stopping you. ' ' At the same time numbers of 
them embarked in our canoes although the chiefs cried out : 
"Gently, young men." They dragged us to their village 
where we thought the greatest favor we could expect would 
be to be plundered. Far, however, from taking away our 

Moines. In the official report of the expedition of 1734, the Fox fort on the 
Wapsipinicon Eiver is said to be not far from where De Boucherville and 
Guignas were captured. Ferland, Cours d'Eistoire du Canada (Quebec, 1865), 
ii, p. 141, identifies this 'Eiviere aux Boeufs' with Buifalo Creek, Jones County, 
Iowa. This could not have been the spot where the French were arrested, since 
Buffalo Creek does not reach the Mississippi Eiver." 

Eeaders of Iowa history may feel sure that all opinions as well as the internal 
evidence of the document itself favor the Iowa shore of the Mississippi as the 
place where the incidents of the story were enacted. The present writer is in- 
clined to believe that if the "little river" was also called Eiviere aux Boeufs, 
it was probably the Iowa Eiver which went by the name of Bison or Buffalo 
Eiver. See the first map made of the Iowa country after it was opened to set- 
tlement in Lea's Notes on Wisconsin Territory, and p. 28. 

7 The Kickapoos and the Mascoutins had been allies of the Fox Indians for 
some time and were now being hunted by the French. Indeed, they had for- 
saken their village upon the Eock Eiver and had placed the Mississippi between 
themselves and the French because they saw the Foxes almost exterminated and 
feared a like fate for themselves. The former tribe numbered about two hun- 
dred persons and the latter about one hundred and fifty. In 1736 the numbers 
of their warriors were estimated at 80 and 60, respectively. See New York 
Colonial Documents, Vol. IX, p. 1055. 

The Mascoutins have left their name upon the map of Iowa as ' ' Muscatine ' '. 


arms, they requested us on our arrival to salute the fort 
with a discharge of musketry which we did with fairly good 
grace. Afterwards they held a council and came to the con- 
clusion to lodge us in the cabin of Ouiskouba whose relatives 
had just been killed by the French acting with the Illinois. 
All our baggage was carried into this cabin ; Father Guignas 
was placed upon a mat and upon a very fine bear skin;^ an 
equally honorable place was prepared for me opposite the 
Reverend Father ; we were regaled with deer flesh. We had 
no lack of company throughout the night as a great many of 
these barbarians had never seen a Frenchman and were at- 
tracted by curiosity. Ouiskouba and several chiefs who 
were hunting in the neighborhood were sent for. 

On the following day the elders entered our cabins and 
spoke to Father Guignos as follows: ''You Black gowns^ 
used formerly to maintain peace amongst the nations; but 
now you are greatly changed. Not long ago one of your 
comrades was seen leading a party and waging a bloody 
war against us." These elders referred to Father Dumas, 
the chaplain of Monsieur Desliettes' army. 

Father Guignos replied, ''You know not the Black gowns ; 
it is not their custom to fight and to steep their hands in 
blood. They follow the army solely for the purpose of help- 
ing the sick and ministering to the dying. ' ' 

The dispute would have lasted longer had not the young 
men — wiser in this than the elders — imposed silence on 
them. "Be silent, old babblers," they said to them: "Are 
not the French sufficiently in trouble and is it proper for 
you to add affliction to affliction?" These words put a stop 
to the invectives for a while ; but as soon as Father Guignos 
began to read his breviary, the rubrics printed in red ink 
caused a fresh quarrel about nothing to break out. "Those 

8 The Indian's way of showing honor. 

9 "This was the Indian appellation for the Jesuit missionaries, who wore 
their black cassocks into the wilderness." 



drops of blood," they said to one another, "warn us to be 
on our guard against this dangerous man." To appease 
those suspicious minds, the Father closed his book for some 
days and we had an interval of peace. 

Seven days after this first upbraiding, a chief delivered a 
harangue in favor of the Father and said: "Of what are 
you thinking, my brothers, and why should you forbid the 
Black gown from saying his accustomed prayers'? Know 
you not that amongst all the nations these Fathers have 
full liberty to pray in their own manner ? ' ' This speech was 
applauded and the Father obtained permission to read his 
red-lettered book in public. 

On the same day, Ouiskouba returned from hunting and 
spoke to us as follows: "My father the Black gown, and 
thou my father, the French chief, I have just learned that 
you have been put in my cabin and that I have been de- 
clared the arbiter of your fate to repay me for the loss of 
my wife and children whom the French, acting with the 
Illinois, have just taken from me. Fear not; my heart is 
good. Our father Ononthio,^^ whom I saw two years ago, 
gave me wisdom. His arm governs my thoughts and my 
actions. Eely on my word and no harm will come to you. ' ' 

We thanked him and presented him with a brasse^^ of 
tobacco ; and we promised that all the good he would do us 
would be repaid a hundred fold. 

The White robe, a famous orator, paid me a visit the fol- 
lowing day. * ' Thy face, ' ' I said to him, ' ' is not unknown to 
me. Did I not see thee at Detroit in Monsieur De Lamotte's 
time? Thou wert then considered a wise man and I am de- 
lighted to see thee." The savage was charmed with my 

10 ' ' The Indian title for the governor of Canada, later extended to all govern- 
ors, and also to the King. This savage had evidently been down to Montreal on 
one of the yearly expeditions." 

11 A brasse of tobacco was equal to a little over five feet of tobacco ' ' twisted 
into a sort of rope". 


compliment and the tobacco I gave Mm and expressed his 
regret at our detention; he advised me to he wise, that is to 
say to get myself cleverly out of the difficulty by giving 
presents to the young men. 

Chaouenon, a man of credit and respected above all by 
the young Kikapous, was also profuse in his offers to serve 
me, and I won him to my interest by great promises. Every- 
thing being thus prepared and the chiefs being all gathered 
together in the village, I caused the council to be assembled. 

Word of Monsieur De Boucherville accompanied by 4 
barrels of powder, 2 guns, a 30 pound kettle, 7 pounds of 
vermilion, 12 hatchets, 2 dozen large knives, 7 braided coats, 
2 cloth blankets, 2 white blankets, 7 bags of shot, etc., etc. 

"My brothers, children of Ononthio. I learned from six 
Frenchmen and two Folles-avoines that the French and 
their allies had driven the Renards from their country to 
punish them for having deluged the earth with blood, and 
having last spring reddened the waters of the Mississippi 
with the blood of many Frenchmen. Perfidious people that 
they are, when we passed through their land a year ago, 
they promised us to remain quiet and atone for the past. 
We declared to them that they had everything to hope from 
the clemency of their new father Ononthio ; and that we, on 
our part, would strive to pacify the land and urge the Scioux 
to peace. I have kept my word and stopped several bands 
of Sauteaux and of Scioux who breathed naught but war. 
I left my fort to inform our father Ononthio of all this and 
to learn his intentions. That is the object of my journey. 
Today I ask you by these presents that my road may be 
clear. I would be very sorry to leave you without relieving 
your wants by sharing our goods with you. I have reason 
to fear the Renard; I know he is not far from here. He 
would cause trouble to you and to us likewise were he to 
take into his head to come to this village. I therefore beg 



you, Kikapons and Mascoutins, not to refuse me so reason- 
able a request." 

Their reply was that our presents would be set apart, and 
that they would give me their answer by the following day. 

In fact, a great meeting was held on the morrow. Eev- 
erend Father Guignas, myself and some Frenchmen were 
invited. On a white beaver robe was placed a slave,^^ seven 
or eight years old, who was offered to us with a little dried 
beaver flesh. 


"To our father Ononthio we offer this word, this little 
slave, and this small quantity of beaver flesh, to beg him not 
to be displeased with us if we keep the French chief, the 
black gown and their companions. After the flight of the 
Eenards, the burning of their cabins, and the ravaging of 
their fields, we were warned to withdraw to the banks of the 
Mississippi because our father Ononthio is angry with us, 
and because all the nations that winter in our neighborhood 
will soon fall upon us. It is therefore for the purpose of 
saving our children's lives that we stop you; you will be 
our safeguard.^^ 

"You say that you fear the Eenards ! Well, my brothers, 
what have you to fear? The Eenards are far from here; 
you will not see them. Even should they come to seek you, 
do you think they could succeed? Look at these warriors 
and at these brave young men who surround you ; all prom- 
ise to die with you and their bodies will serve you as ram- 
parts. Prepare yourselves therefore to spend the winter 
with us and begin to build cabins for your use." 

"Have you pondered well," I replied, "on what I repre- 

12 When Joliet and Marquette visited the Illinois Indians upon the Iowa 
Eiver in 1673, they were presented with a young slave, that is, a captive taken 
in war with some other tribe. 

13 The Frenchmen were therefore detained as hostages to ensure the safety 
of the Kickapoos. 


sented to you yesterday. Do you realize that you will have 
to answer for us, body for body, and that if any accident 
should befall us you will be held accountable 1 ' ' 

"We know it, we think of it," they answered; "We have 
come to our decision after mature deliberation." 

It was therefore necessary to attack the forest with our 
axes, and with the assistance of the young Kikapous we fin- 
ished our houses in a week. We were already beginning to 
settle down ; we had no further quarrels to endure ; we were 
living on good terms. But, on November 2, a Kikapou in- 
formed me that ten Renards had arrived in the village. A 
moment afterwards Kansekoe, the chief of these new com- 
ers, entered my house, held out his hand to me and said : "I 
greet thee, my father," and the better to deceive me he as- 
sured me that he had an order to lodge in my dwelling. I 
put a good face on the matter in spite of my surprise ; and 
offered food to my treacherous visitor. Our faithful Cha- 
ouenon told me that Kansakoe was endeavoring to seduce 
the Kikapous by means of presents. But fortunately I had 
already won the young men by a barrel of powder, 2 blan- 
kets, 2 pounds of vermilion, and other presents. 

The Kikapous, after refusing the calumet and porcelain 
of the Renards, were nevertheless intimidated by their 
threats and urged me to help them by presents to cover the 
last Renards who had died.^^ I gave them two braided 

1* The calumet or pipe of peace was used by all Indian tribes and was made 
from the red pipestone found only in southwestern Minnesota, a region regard- 
ed by all Indians as sacred ground. A refusal to smoke the pipe was always 
interpreted as a declaration of war. 

Porcelain is "the Canadian term for the wampum belts, which were used as 
a pledge of an alliance. ' ' 

15 The Indian custom of "appeasing the wrath of the relatives of a murdered 
man by presents. Compare the 'wergeld' of the early Germans." 

For a "memorandum of the Goods which Monsieur de Boucherville Was 
obliged to give for the King's Service from the time of his detention Amongst 
the Quikapoux on October 12, 1728, Until his return to Detroit in the month of 
June of The year 1729", estimated to be worth 1431 livres wholesale, see Wis- 
consin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 83-86. 



coats, two cloth blankets, 50 pounds of powder, 50 pounds of 
lead, two pounds of vermilion, etc. 

On the following day, a great council was held at which I 
was present with Father Guignas; this gave me an oppor- 
tunity of preparing a present to be sent to the Renards in 
my own name. 

Word of the Kikapous and Mascoutins by a barrel of 5 
pounds of powder, 5 pounds of lead, 2 pounds of vermilion, 
2 braided coats and a blanket. 

"My brothers, for a long while we have not seen the 
sun — 

"Fear nothing," I said to them, "my cousins" will do 
you justice and will appreciate the services you have ren- 
dered us." This promise reassured them and they resolved 
to save us at all costs. "For if they perish we are dead 
men, ' ' they said to one another ; ' * and since we are too much 
exposed here to the attacks of the Eenards, let us go and 
establish ourselves on the neighboring island on which 
they will not be able to land unless we choose." This was a 
very wise decision. By means of presents I urged the young 
Kikapous to shift the camp as quickly as possible; and as 
soon as we were settled on the island couriers were sent out 
to notify the Kikapous scattered in the woods. 

About that time we were informed of the barbarous de- 

16 Two pages are missing here from the original manuscript. 

17 "The hiatus apparently contained an account of the escape of the brothers 
Montbrun, who were cousins of de Boucherville; and of the subsequent fear of 
the Kackapoo." Father Guignas afterward wrote that the escape of the 
brothers and another Frenchman "prevented the Maskoutins and Quieapoux 
from delivering the French of whom they were masters into the hands of the 
Eenards, and led them to give them kind treatment, in a manner which Eever- 
end father Guignoss and the French who remained with him did not in the 
least expect. ' ' — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, p. 60. 

18 This island in the river must have been small or the Kickapoos could not 
have prevented the Foxes from landing. There are many small islands at the 
mouths of the rivers of eastern Iowa, as also in the Mississippi. 


sign of Pechicamengoa, a Kikapou chief, a great warrior, 
redoubtable through the credit he had gained, and the great 
number of his brothers and relatives, and of young Kika- 
pous subject to his orders. As he had married a Renard 
wife, Kansekoe and his companions had no difficulty in in- 
ducing him to assassinate Reverend Father Guignas, and 
they made him promise that he would not go to the village 
of the Renards without bringing the father 's scalp with him. 

In order that he might not fail in striking his blow, he 
concealed his wicked design for some days. One fine night 
he invited two of his young men to keep him company in a 
sweating lodge, not so much for the purpose of sweating as 
of cleverly allowing his secret to ooze out according to the 
custom of the savages in those sweating lodges, and of in- 
ducing those young men to help him. God did not permit 
the treacherous plotter to succeed. The sweating over, the 
young Kikapous, who were indignant at such treachery told 
the well-disposed chiefs of it. 

The alarm caused in the village by this conspiracy may be 
imagined. ' ' What ! ' ' they exclaimed, ' ' We thought we had 
only the Renards to fear; now our own brothers betray us 
and wish to stain our mats with blood by a massacre of the 
French ! What is to be done under the circumstances ? Had 
a Renard made an attempt on the father's life we would 
have settled the matter by breaking his head ; but the guilty 
man is a chief of our nation! . . . Let us endeavor to 
appease him with presents." These were offered him; he 
accepted them, and promised to abandon his cowardly de- 

But, in order to avoid similar acts of treachery, we were 
lodged in less suspected cabins where ten men watched night 
and day over our safety. We remained eighteen days in 
that state. 

Kansekoe and his nine colleagues, three days after their 



departure, encountered a hundred Eenards who were com- 
ing for us. They had orders, in the event of a refusal, to 
threaten the Kikapous with the coming of six hundred war- 
riors, both Eenards and Puants," fully resolved to be re- 
venged for the insults oifered them. Kansekoe perceived 
in the band the father of the young Renard whom the 
French had killed at la Baye not long before. He said to 
him : " I see well, my father, that thou wilt ask for a French- 
man in the place of thy son ; but return with us to the vil- 
lage; come and listen to the words addressed to thy dead 
child, and refuse not the presents offered thee." The old 
man, touched by this mark of distinction, allowed himself to 
be won over. am quite willing," he said, "that you 
should restore my disturbed mind. I will follow you." 
Many thought as he did; others said they must continue 
their march and compel the Kikapous to deliver up the 
French. Finally, after many disputes, seventy Eenards re- 
turned home and thirty came to the banks of the Mississippi. 
When the Kikapous saw them in such small numbers they 
considered that they could without danger allow them on 
the island ; but they reinforced the guard watching over our 
safety. On entering the village, a Eenard was inspired with 
the idea of delivering a harangue, contrary to the custom of 
the savages who harangue only in cabins. This insolent 
man spoke to us as follows : 

"We are unfortunate, my brothers; we have been driven 
from our lands by the French. The sorrow caused us by 
our misfortunes has brought us here to beg you to wipe 
away our tears. You are our relatives; refuse us not the 
favor we ask. You will give us as many Frenchmen as you 
choose ; we do not demand all of them. ' ' 

They entered the cabin of our friend Chaouenon, being 
convinced that if they could win him over they would easily 

19 The Puants were Winnebagoes. 


persuade the other chiefs. All being assembled, the Ren- 
ards began to weep for their dead, making the air resound 
with their cries, and spreading out a bloody robe, a shell all 
reddened with blood, and a red calumet with feathers all 
dripping blood. Such a dreadful spectacle was calculated 
to produce an impression, and all this blood called most elo- 
quently for ours. A tall young renard warrior, much paint- 
ed, arose, lit his calumet and presented it to Chaouenon, to 
Boeuf noir (Black Bull) and to the young chiefs who barely 
deigned to touch it with the tip of their lips, and drew but a 
puff or two. The old chiefs smoked heartily and emptied 
the renard 's calumet to show that their sentiments were in 
accord with his. The young Renard took back his calumet, 
and presented it once more to the young chiefs with as little 
success as at first. Finally after again weeping for their 
dead, they left their presents and were told that the answer 
would be given on the following day. The young Kikapous 
passed the whole night without sleep. The Renards roamed 
about unceasingly and tried to intimidate them by great 
threats, but all in vain. 

On the following day, the savages assembled and the 
Kikapous replied as follows : "My brothers, you are not un- 
aware that we had no evil design in stopping the French. 
We wish them to live. And what would become of us if they 
perished while in our hands? Return in peace, accept our 
present; we will die together rather than give up a single 
one of these Frenchmen." 

The Renards, angered at this reply, arose with fire in 
their eyes ; they threatened vengeance, made up their bun- 
dles and crossed the river,^*' and having met at a distance of 
three days ' journey from the Renard village a Kikapou and 

20 This seems to prove beyond a doubt that the captives were being held on 
the Iowa side of the Mississippi. 



a Mascoutin who were hunting, they massacred them with- 
out pity, and carried their scalps home with them.^i 

This murder caused much disturbance amongst the Ren- 
ards. ''We are lost beyond hope," the old men exclaimed. 
"What, you foolish young men, it is but a slight thing in 
your eyes to have raised up against us all the nations that 
have sworn to destroy us ; you must likewise massacre our 
kinsmen! What shall we do to atone for this murder!" 

They at once dispatched five men to go and weep for the 
two dead ones, and to offer themselves as expiatory victims 
to the bereaved old man who was not far from the renard 
village. As soon as they appeared before him they spread 
out a white robe on which two Renards stretched themselves 
quite naked. ' ' Revenge thyself, my brother, ' ' they said to 
him in this humble posture. ' ' Thy children have been killed 
but we offer thee our bodies ; vent thy rage and thy just in- 
dignation upon us. ' ' The old man replied : ' ' Our village is 
informed of your crime; the matter is no longer in my 
hands; the decision rests with the young Kikapou chiefs." 
At these words the prostrate Renards arose and returned 

Two young Kikapous arrived shortly afterwards on the 
bank of the river, and uttered death-yells at night. A 
pirogue was sent for them and they related the sad event to 
their comrades. The news spread consternation through- 
out the village. Nothing was heard everywhere but weep- 
ing, lamentations, and horrible yells. Couriers were at once 
sent to warn the Kikapous scattered in the woods to quickly 
take refuge on the island. The elders did not fail to come 
and reproach me with the death of their young men. "You 

21 After this murder the Kickapoos sent a request to the Sioux and the 
"Ayowetz" (loways) not to give the Poxes shelter in their territory in what 
is now southern Minnesota and northern Iowa. — See Wisconsin Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. XVII, pp. 60, 62. 

22 To indicate the death of someone. 


are the cause of our being massacred," they said, "and we 
are paying very dearly for the pleasure of having you. ' ' I 
replied to them : ' ' Had you wished to believe me, to accept 
my present and consent to our separation, this misfortune 
would not have happened to you. Did I not warn you of 
this. " " Thou art right, ' ' they replied, ' ' but what are we to 
do in the present predicament? We are between two fires; 
the Eenard has killed us, the Illinois has killed us,-^ the 
Frenchman is angry with us. What are we to do ? " 

"Your affairs," I answered, "are not so difficult to ar- 
range as you imagine. Give me two chiefs to accompany 
me ; I will start for the Illinois country, and I pledge myself 
to make your peace with those tribes." "That is a very 
good idea," they said. But the trouble was to find people 
brave enough to accompany me. After much discussion a 
Kikapou and a Mascoutin, born of Illinois mothers, offered 
themselves. One of them had lost his son in the war. 

We started on December 27, notwithstanding the unendur- 
able severity of the season ; and, after many hardships, and 
much fatigue which can be appreciated only by those who 
endure them, we arrived on the ninth day amongst the 
Peoaria on the river of the Illinois, twenty leagues from the 
Mississippi. Several tribes were gathered together in this 
village, keeping always on the watch and anxious for news 
of the Kikapous. 

Two hunters perceived us and, re-assured at the sight of 
the flags held up by my people, they approached us. One of 
my companions spoke the illinois language, told them that 
we came to treat for peace; that the French detained 
amongst his people were well ; that the Renards, in revenge 
for the refusal to deliver up the French to them, had killed 
two Kikapous. 

23 The Kiekapoos and the IHinois had been at Tvar since 1718. The latter 
once roamed over eastern Iowa, but were gradually reduced in numbers owing to 
Fox ravages. Their permanent villages stood upon the banks of the Illinois 
Eiver. To them de Boucherville made a journey overland on foot. 



As soon as the Peoaria heard of our arrival, they sent 
thirty young Illinois to meet us. My two savages waited for 
them, and after weeping for their dead, and having had their 
tears wiped away, and having been ceremoniously offered a 
great red calumet which all smoked, we were relieved of our 
baggage. We were conveyed to a large cabin through so 
great a crowd of spectators that we could hardly make our 
way. We were seated upon a fine new mat, and on a bear 
skin. Two young Illinois, adorned with many ornaments, 
came to remove our shoes and grease our feet. We were 
given the most palatable food to be had in the village. The 
Kikapou accompanying me, who had lost his son, wept for 
him a second time ; all the chiefs arose in turn to wipe away 
his tears, and after hearing all that had occurred, they said : 
''Take courage, my brothers, we will help you to avenge 
your dead." 

On the morrow at break of day they came to conduct us to 
a feast ; and throughout the day we went without stopping 
from cabin to cabin, from feast to feast. These poor people 
could not find any food good enough for me so pleased were 
they at the good news I brought. 

It was my intention to proceed as soon as possible to the 
French village four days' journey from the Peoarias; but 
I had to abandon the trip owing to a swollen foot caused by 
a long march through exceedingly cold water. I therefore 
sent Eeverend Father Gruignas's letters by a special mes- 
senger. I wrote to Monsieur Desliettes, the commandant, 
and sent him the presents from the Kikapous. These con- 
sisted of that famous bloody calumet, and of the two brasses 
of bloodstained porcelain which the Eenards had offered in 
order to have us delivered up to them. 

Word of the Kikapous and Mascoutins accompanied by 
the presents above mentioned: 

24 This was the village of Kaskaskia, Illinois, founded in 1700. 


''1st, Our words and our actions are guided solely by the 
arm of Ononthio to whom we are attached. 

* ' 2nd, We have been killed, my father, by the Renards be- 
cause we supported the French. If thou wouldst send us 
some Frenchmen to help us, thou wouldst please us. 

"3d, We ask for peace with the Illinois and with thee; 
and that in future we may smoke from the same calumet. 

"4th, We have stripped ourselves by giving what we had 
to the Eenards to appease them. We should be obliged to 
thee, if thou wouldst send us goods and especially powder. 

"5th, We flatter ourselves that our flesh has been pre- 
served ; and we beg thee to induce the Illinois to give back to 
us those of our kin who are slaves in their midst." 

Word of Monsieur Desliettes by a red calumet and some 
ells of cloth. 

"1st, I am sorry that the French chief and the member of 
your nation have not come thus far. They have sent me 
your Word; I have received it with joy, because you assure 
me that you are attached to the arm of Ononthio. 

' ' 2nd, I smoke your calumet with pleasure. While smok- 
ing it I will think of all you say to me ; and I shall see by the 
proofs that you will give me of your sincerity whether I 
shall send you some Frenchmen. 

"3d, You already have some Frenchmen amongst you, 
and none of your people sit here on my mat. If you wish 
sincerely, as you say, to live in peace with us, I invite you to 
bring back here the Black gown and the other Frenchmen. 
By this I shall know that you are children of Ononthio. 

' ' 4th, If you do this, I answer that I will give you French- 
men who will escort you back ; and you will be well received 
by the Illinois and French. 

"5th, I would willingly send you some goods at once but I 
have only very little ; I expect a great quantity in two moons. 

"6th, If the Renards have killed you as you assert, you 


see that they no longer look upon you as their kin. I exhort 
you to avenge yourselves. You may rest assured that that 
wicked nation can live no longer. The King wishes their 

* * 7th, When you arrive with the Black gown and the other 
Frenchmen, we will take measures together ; meanwhile we, 
the Illinois and ourselves, are preparing to avenge ourselves 
for all their insults to us. They shall not always escape the 
vengeance of the French by cowardly flight. 

' ' 8th, Behold the Frenchmen who start tomorrow to carry 
your words to Ononthio from the lower Mississippi. I 
write him that they are sincere. I beg you, Mascoutins and 
Kikapous, not to make me tell a falsehood. 

' ' 9th, You sent me your calumet ; I send you mine. While 
smoking it think of what I say to you. 

^'lOth, When you arrive here with the Frenchmen, I will 
speak to the Illinois who will give you back your kinsmen 
whom they have had since last summer; for they have no 
others from an earlier time. 

*'llth, Ononthio will not forget what you have done for 
the Frenchmen, whom you have refused to deliver up to the 
Eenards. Continue to take good care of them ; respect the 
Black gown. When he is here we will not forget the care 
you have taken of him, of the chief, and of the Frenchmen. ' ' 

Our couriers returned on the seventh day from their de- 
parture and brought me letters from Monsieur Desliettes, 
from some officers, and from the Keverend Jesuit Fathers, 
who advised me not to go back to the Kikapous, where 
things had perhaps taken a different aspect on our behalf 
since my departure. 

The illinois had already begun to chant their war-song 
with all their hearts ; two hundred young warriors had al- 
ready prepared their arrows. But Monsieur Desliettes told 
them to wait until the spring, because it would be unwise to 

VOL. XIV — 8 


rely upon the Kikapous, who had so often failed to keep 
their word. 

I was therefore given only two Illinois chiefs and eight 
young men. I was loaded with tobacco and other presents 
for the Kikapous. We started rather late, and slept at a 
spot five or six leagues from the village. 

At night two couriers brought me a letter from Reverend 
Father D 'Outrelo, a jesuit, who begged me to wait for him 
as he wished to consult with me on the means to be adopted 
for saving Father Guignas. I therefore returned to the vil- 
lage to the great satisfaction of the Illinois. I remained 
there eleven days ; but, as our two Kikapous were becoming 
impatient, I left without waiting for the Reverend Jesuit 
Father, who had lost his way and arrived in a pitiful condi- 
tion at the village a few hours after my departure. He sent 
three couriers after me, who unfortunately took a different 
road from ours, and caught up with us only when we were 
20 leagues from the village. I gave them a letter for the 
Reverend Father in which I begged him to excuse me if I 
did not return to the Peoaria, as I was suffering from a pain 
in one of my thighs ; and I told him that the proper way to 
save Father Guignas and us was to induce the Illinois to 
come to the Kikapous and conclude a lasting peace. I con- 
tinued my journey, and we encountered thirty Kikapous 
who were coming to meet us, and who told me that all was 
well. As soon as the news of our approach reached the vil- 
lage, joy spread everywhere, and the French who no longer 
hoped for my return, took courage once more. The chiefs 
came to meet us and were very attentive to our Illinois, al- 
though he was alone, as the nine others had postponed their 
journey to another time. 

On the morrow I gathered the chiefs together and an- 
nounced to them the words of Monsieur Desliettes and of 
the Illinois. They seemed to me well pleased. I afterwards 



by means of presents induced two war-chiefs to make up 
two bands of 25 men. The first party, commanded by a chief 
whose son had been killed not long before, was to go to the 
winter camping place of the Renards ; but he returned at the 
end of eight days without having done anything. 

The other band was commanded by the brother of Boeuf 
noir (Black Bull), who said to him: **Do not return without 
bringing us some Renards, dead or alive." After marching 
some days, this band encountered 30 Renards, who asked 
them who they were and whither they were going. 

''We are Kikapous," they answered, ''and our elders 
have sent us to get news of you. ' ' The Renards, suspecting 
nothing, replied: "You are welcome; we will take you to 
our cabins which are not far from here." The Kikapous 
stopped first at the dwelling of Pemoussa^^ who had mar- 
ried a Kikapou woman. His cabin was about a quarter of 
a league from the 30 others and there were about 25 persons 
in it, namely: eight men and several women and children. 
In order to kill them all, our warriors placed themselves at 
night one on each side of every Renard capable of defend- 
ing himself ; and their design would infallibly have succeed- 
ed if, unfortunately, some other Renards had not come in 
during the night, which upset all their plans. 

The chiefs of the 30 cabins assembled on the following 
day and said to the Kikapous : "What do your countrymen 
think of the murder of your people r ' " They think, ' ' re- 
plied our warriors, "that it was a misunderstanding or, at 
the most, the crime of some individuals; they are careful 
not to hold the entire Renard nation responsible for that 
accident." "You are right," answered the Renards, "for 
the murderer, the son of Renard noir (Black Fox) has fled 
to escape death with which he was threatened. We are go- 

25 Pgmoussa was the Fox chief who led his tribe in the first great battle with 
the French and their allies at Detroit in 1712. 


ing to die in our village ; we have not found an asylum any- 
where; the Ayous^^ and the Scioux have refused to give us a 
refuge. We have three bands of warriors in the field ; one 
amongst the Saulteux, the two others amongst the Folle- 
avoines, while a fourth will soon go amongst the Illinois. 
What has become of your Frenchmen ? " ' ' They went away 
on the ice," replied our people, 'Ho go amongst the Illi- 
nois. " ' ' So much the better, ' ' said the chiefs ; * ' nothing re- 
mains to be done except to cover your dead. We will send 
two chiefs to you." Pemoussa and Chichippa, the great 
war-chief, offered to go and they were entrusted with a cal- 
umet and some other presents. 

During the second day's march, our two chiefs said to one 
another: "What! we came to avenge our dead and these 
Eenards who follow us are coming to speak of peace ! We 
must give them food at our first stopping place and fire two 
gunshots at them. ' ' This plan was carried out in all its de- 
tails and their scalps were taken to the village. 

The news of this deed gave rise to many mutterings, 
cries, and lamentations; because Pemoussa, who had mar- 
ried a Kikapou woman, had a great many relatives or kin- 
dred amongst that nation. This led the thirty Illinois who 
had just arrived to fear that they would be killed to avenge 
the death of Pemoussa. And yet they had come with pres- 
ents; they had brought back a Kikapou woman and two 
children whom they had captured. They left at night and 
were escorted back ; both sides parted good friends and the 
Kikapous were invited to go, in the Spring, to the Illinois 
who were well disposed to receive them. 

The warriors who had killed Pemoussa re-entered the 
village on the following day, but very quietly and without 
ceremony to avoid reviving the sorrow of Pemoussa 's rela- 

26 The loways numbered only eighty warriors in 1736 and dwelt south of the 
Minnesota Eiver on friendly terms with the much more numerous Sioux tribes. 



On March 1 (1729), the ice disappeared and the Missis- 
sippi became navigable to the great satisfaction of all the 
French who awaited only that moment to withdraw. The 
Kikapous invited the Father and myself to a great assem- 
bly: **Here," said they, "are two roads: one leading to 
Montreal and the other to the Illinois. Tell us which one 
we should choose. " " You must, ' ' said I, " go to the Illinois 
and conclude a lasting peace with them, so that the Illinois 
may no longer doubt your sincerity ; you must offer them the 
scalps of the Eenards." Our chiefs approved my idea and 
I was delighted to have contributed towards obtaining so 
desirable a peace, for the French and Illinois had no more 
dangerous foes than the Kikapous and Mascoutins, who 
killed their people up to the very doors of their village. 

Reverend Father Guignas left some days before I did, ac- 
companied by two mascoutin chiefs; and he promised to 
await me on the road. I started on March 7, with two 
French canoes and seven Kikapou pirogues. On the twelfth 
we reached the river of the Illinois ; and three days after- 
wards, 80 Illinois pirogues with their families and provis- 
ions advanced to meet us. Two young Illinois, adorned with 
many ornaments, came with their calumets lighted to make 
the Kikapou chiefs smoke. We were regaled with turkeys 
and buffalo tongues. A thousand attentions were lavished 
upon the Kikapous as soon as they had presented the scalps 
of the renards. By this unequivocal sign it was understood 
that the Kikapous really wished for the peace so greatly de- 
sired by the Illinois. 

I left on the fifteenth, and journeyed 40 leagues to reach 
the French fort^'^ where Monsieur Desliettes and the officers 
received me courteously. Eeverend Father Guignas had ar- 
rived seven days before with the two mascoutin chiefs, to 

27 Kaskaskia, in southern Illinois, where the French now had two small settle- 


whom Monsieur Desliettes gave presents to induce them to 
maintain peace and union. 

A detachment of 20 Frenchmen was told oif under an of- 
ficer to escort the Kikapous and Mascoutins to their village. 

It is estimated that there are about 200 men amongst the 
Kikapous and 600 men in the three illinois villages. There 
are two French settlements of very considerable size, con- 
taining nearly 200 French some of whom are married to 
Illinois women and others to French women from New Or- 
leans. They sell flour and pork on the sea coast, and bring 
back goods from there. 

Eight days after my arrival, I started for Canada by way 
of the Ouabache;^^ but, after proceeding 20 leagues always 
against the current which is very rapid, the hands of our 
men became so badly blistered that we were compelled to 
return to Kashashias. In going down we went over in one 
day the distance that it had taken us eight days to pass over 
while ascending. Reverend Father Boulanger, the mission- 
ary among the Mixik-Illinois , told me that ten of his people 
were going by land to the Oiiyas [Ouiatonons]. I decided 
to follow them and promised to pay them well if they took 
good care of me. 

I started from the Illinois country on May 2, with a young 
Kikapou, a nephew of the great chief, and a little slave for 
Monsieur the governor-general of Canada. 

The distance from the Illinois to the Peanguichias is 
about 120 leagues and 15 leagues from the Peanguichias to 
the Oiiyas; 60 leagues from the Oiiyas to the Miamis; 120 
leagues from the Miamis to Detroit; and 300 leagues from 
Detroit to Montreal ; making 615 leagues in all. 

28 The Ohio Eiver. 


The Story of the Indian. By George Bird Grinnell. New York : 
D. Appleton and Company. 1914. Pp. x, 270. Portraits, plates. 
This volume appears in The Story of the West Series, edited by 
Eipley Hitchcock, the purpose of which is to present to the public the 
history of that part of the United States beyond the Missouri River 
and until recently known simply as the West, with a present and a 
future but without a past. In The Story of the Indian, Mr. Grinnell 
has given a picture of Indian life as it was when the white men first 
began to take possession of the plains, with an occasional reference 
to the past seen dimly through the mist of tradition and sometimes 
a comparison with the present. 

The book contains an editor's note, author's introduction, chap- 
ters dealing with the life of the Indians, their homes, recreations, 
social customs, manner of warfare, industries, and religious beliefs, 
an appendix containing brief characterizations of the most impor- 
tant family stocks, and a short index. While there is, perhaps, little 
that is new in the material presented, the style is so vivid and the 
insight into Indian life is so keen that the reader may well imagine 
that he is looking out over the village and hearing the voices of the 
Indians, the barking of the dogs and the shrill whoops of the boys 
playing among the lodges, or that he is watching the buffalo hunt 
and the groups of Indians gathered about the carcass of the buffalo 
on the treeless plain from which the hunter and the hunted alike 
have now vanished. 

A History of Travel in America. Four volumes. By Seymour 
DuNBAB. Indianapolis : The Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1915. Pp. li, 1529. 
Plates, maps. The field which this pretentious work is intended to 
cover is further indicated by the sub-title : ' ' Showing the Develop- 
ment of Travel and Transportation from the Crude Methods of the 
Canoe and the Dog-Sled to the Highly Organized Railway Systems 
of the Present, Together with a Narrative of the Human Experi- 



ences and Changing Social Conditions that Accompanied this Eco- 
nomic Conquest of the Continent." Perhaps the chief criticism of 
the work is that this claim is not adequately supported by the con- 
tents of the volumes. For instance, with the exception of one chap- 
ter at the close there is no discussion of the developments during the 
period since the completion of the first trans-continental railway. 
Again, very little attention is given to the influence of commerce in 
determining the routes an'd means of travel. On the other hand, 
there are lengthy discussions of topics, such as the relations between 
the whites and the Indians, which would properly be included in a 
study of the westward movement, but which as here treated have no 
vital bearing on the history of travel. 

At the same time, the work will prove very useful to students of 
the subject who do not expect to find in it a thorough treatment. 
The writer has gathered from widely scattered sources the materials 
for a story which it is a pleasure to read. Especially interesting are 
the illustrations, four hundred in number, taken from early publi- 
cations and in themselves telling the same story as is to be found in 
the words of the text concerning the routes, the vehicles, and the 
vicissitudes of travel in this country since the earliest days. 

Unfortunately it will be almost impossible to use the volumes for 
general reference purposes since the index, while apparently made 
in sufficient detail, is so poorly arranged as to be of practically no 
assistance to the person seeking the information on any particular 
point which the work may contain. 

loiva: Its History and its Foremost Citizens. Three volumes. By 
Johnson Brigham. Chicago: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Co. 
1915. Pp. (first volume) 725. Portraits, plates. The last two vol- 
umes of this set are devoted to biographies of prominent lowans, 
which it is presumed were not prepared by Mr. Brigham since his 
name does not appear on the title pages. 

The first volume, which contains the historical material, is divided 
into three books, ten parts, and forty-five chapters. The discoverers, 
the Indians, the explorers, and the pioneers are the titles of the four 
parts of book one. The two parts in book two deal with Iowa as a 
part of the Louisiana Purchase, and Iowa as a Territory. Book 



three, containing the account of Iowa's development as a State, is 
divided into four parts, namely : the formative period, 1846-1860 ; 
the heroic period, 1860-1865 ; the period of reconstruction in Iowa, 
1868-1900 ; and Iowa in the twentieth century, 1900-1915. Numer- 
ous portraits of persons who have played prominent parts in Iowa 
history and cuts of historic buildings and sites in Iowa add to the 
interest of the work. 

A imique feature of the volume is the inclusion, at proper points 
in the narrative, of sketches of the lives of the men most prominent 
in Iowa during the particular period under discussion. Moreover, 
at the close of the book there are three chapters dealing with the 
medical profession in Iowa, the bench and bar of Iowa, and the 
writers of Iowa, prepared by David S. Fairchild, Horace E. Deemer, 
and Alice French, respectively. Altogether, a perusal of the volume 
will give the reader a good view of the main events in the history of 
our Commonwealth. 

Grace Gardner Griffin's bibliography of Writings on American 
History for the year 1913 has appeared from the Yale University 

An address on Henry Clay and Pan- Americanism, by John 
Bassett Moore, has been reprinted from the Columbia University 

There has recently come from the Country Life Press a small vol- 
ume by H. G. S. Noble on The New York Stock Exchange in the 
Crisis of 1914. 

A volume containing a brief of facts and opinions relative to The 
Nearing Case, prepared by Lightner Witmer, has been issued from 
the press of B. W. Huebsch of New York. 

Bulletin 57, published by the Bureau of American Ethnology of 
the Smithsonian Institution, consists of An Introduction to the 
Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs, by Sylvanus G. Morley. 

Among the articles in The Quarterly Journal of Economics for 
November are: The Scope of Workmen's Compensation in the 


United States, by Willard C. Fisher ; and Social Insurance, Old Age 
Pensions and Poor Belief, by Robert M. Woodbury. 

Among many articles and papers in The Quarterly Journal of the 
Society of American Indians for July-September special mention 
should be made of one by Arthur C. Parker on The Status and 
Progress of Indians as Shown hy the Thirteenth Census. 

The November number of the American Labor Legislation Review 
is devoted to a survey of unemployment in this country, 1914—1915, 
and to the operation of the Municipal Lodging House of New York 
City. The December number contains a Review of Labor Legislation 
of 1915. 

Paul Walton Black discusses The First Step in Community De- 
velopment in the September number of The American City. Here 
may also be found an article on Efficient Budget Making, by Her- 
bert R. Sands. In the October number The Improvement of the 
Davenport River-Front is described by L. W. Ramsey. 

A continuation of the Letters of a Virginia Cadet at West Point, 
1859-1861, with introduction and notes by Kate Mason Rowland ; a 
discussion of The Work of the General Education Board in the 
South, by Mrs. John D. Hammond; and an article on Early Meth- 
odist Philanthropy, by C. A. Moore, are three of the contributions in 
the October number of The South Atlantic Quarterly. 

The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social 
Science for November is devoted to the general topic of Public 
Budgets. The various articles are grouped under four main head- 
ings, namely, the budget idea and the national budget. State 
budgets, public budgets and efficiency in the public budgets, and the 
development of budgets and budgetary procedure in typical cities. 

The Constitutional Doctrines of Justice Harlan are discussed by 
Floyd B. Clark in a recent number of the Johns Hopkins University 
Studies in Historical and Political Science. The eight chapters are 
devoted to the suability of States, the impairment of the obligation 
of contracts, due process of law, interstate and foreign commerce, 



equal protection of the laws, the jurisdiction of courts, miscellane- 
ous topics, and judicial legislation. 

Among the formal articles in the National Municipal Review for 
October are the following: The Crisis in Public Service Regulation 
in New York, by Delos F. Wilcox ; Graft Prosecutions: 1914-1915, 
by Alice M. Holden ; and New Sources of City Revenue, by Robert 
M. Haig. Shorter articles include The Rapid Increase in Municipal 
Expenditure, by Ralph E. George ; and The New York Constitution- 
al Convention, by Charles A. Beard. 

American Colonies and the British Empire, by W. T. Root; and 
The Paterson Plan for a Federal Constitution, by Charles R. Ling- 
ley, are two articles in the November number of The History Teach- 
er's Magazine. Among the contents of the December number are the 
following articles : How the Working Museum of History Works, by 
Edward C. Page ; Political Parties and Party Leaders, by James A. 
Woodburn; and Answers in American History, by Edgar Dawson. 

A new quarterly periodical known as the Smith College Studies 
in History made its initial appearance in October under the editor- 
ship of John Spencer Bassett and Sidney Bradshaw Fay. It is the 
purpose of the quarterly ' ' to afford a medium for the publication of 
short studies in the field of history and government by investigators 
who have some relation to the college, either as faculty, alumnae, 
students or friends. ' ' The first number is devoted to An Introduc- 
tion to the History of Connecticut as a Manufacturing State, by 
Grace Pierpont Fuller. 

Brigham H. Roberts's History of the Mormon Church which has 
been running in Americana for several years, was concluded in the 
June number. Among the contents of that periodical since June 
are the following: Journal of George Croghan, January-February, 
1753-4, contributed by John W. Jordan (July) ; Gushing Memorial 
Monument, by S. G. Lapham; Commander Gushing and the Vir- 
ginius, by the same writer; and a letter from Ex-Senator J. R. 
Doolittle of Wisconsin to Grover Cleveland (October) ; and an arti- 
cle by Charles Caverno, under the heading Boots, a Bucolic, discus- 


sing the importance of leather to the pioneers throughout the history 
of the settlement of America (November). 

Judicial Control of Administrative and Legislative Acts in 
France, by James W. Garner; The Substitution of Rule for Discre- 
tion in Public Law, by Ernst Freund ; The Trend Within the British 
Empire, by Theodore H. Boggs; The Congressional Caucus of To- 
day, by Wilder H. Haines ; and The Early History of the Tradition 
of the Constitution, by Frank I. Sehechter, are articles which ap- 
pear in The American Political Science Bevieiv for November. The 
Legislative Notes and Bevieivs, conducted by John A. Lapp, deal 
with law reform in New York, legislation of 1914 and 1915 affecting 
nominations and elections, legislative investigations which have 
been authorized, special municipal corporations, and budgetary 

The January-March number of The Journal of American History 
is devoted to the general subject of international cooperation in the 
western hemisphere. A special feature is an address delivered in 
1849 by Charles Sumner on The War System of the Commonwealth 
of Nations. This address is continued in the succeeding issue of the 
Journal, where may also be found the following articles: New York 
Manors, Townships, and Patents: A Study of Types of Settlement, 
by Joel N. Eno; An Illinois Merchant of the Eighteenth Century, 
by Charles Gilmer Gray; and What was the Mission of Nathan 
Hale?, by William H. Shelton. Among numerous articles in the 
July-September number may be mentioned Magna Charta and 
Democracy in America, by Ernest C. Moses ; and The Winning of 
the Illinois Country, by John Gilmer Gray. Finally, attention 
should be called to the following, contributions in the October-De- 
cember number : Spanish Mission Churches of Neiv Mexico, by L. 
Bradford Prince ; Chaumiere du Prairie, by Mrs. Ida W. Harrison ; 
and The Du Pont Powder Wagon and hoiv it Helped Win Perry's 
Victory, by Mabel T. R. Washburn. 


The Two Virginias: Genesis of Old and Neiv is the title of a bro- 
chure by Granville Davisson Hall of Glencoe, Illinois, which has 
been privately printed. 



Volume thirteen, part three of the Anthropological Papers of the 
American Museum of Natural History consists of a monograph on 
the Folklore of the Menomini Indians, by Alanson Skinner and John 
V. Satterlee. 

Early Intellectual Intercourse Between France and America, by 
Gilbert Chinard; and The Pan-American Scientific Congress, by 
Glen L. Swiggett, are two articles which appear in the October num- 
ber of The University of California Chronicle. 

Two numbers of the Anthropological Papers of the American 
Museum of Natural History which have recently been issued are 
devoted to monographs on Peruvian Textiles, by M. D. C. Craw- 
ford; and Biding Gear of the North American Indians, by Clark 

Three articles which, among others, appear in The Quarterly 
Journal of the University of North Dakota for October are the fol- 
lowing: Educational Perspective, by Joseph Kennedy; The Evolu- 
tion of the Idea of God, by S. F. Halfyard ; and State-wide Use of 
the University Library, by Clarence Wesley Sumner. 

The First and the Fiftieth: A Contrast in Opening Exercises is 
the title of an article by Helen Rhoda Hoopes which is to be found 
in The Graduate Magazine of the University of Kansas for October. 
The Semi-Centennial of the University of Kansas is briefly de- 
scribed in the November issue ; while in the December number may 
be found General Funston's Beminiscences of the University. 

A monograph of five hundred pages on Texas in the Middle 
Eighteenth Century, by Herbert E. Bolton, constitutes volume three 
of the University of California Publications in History. The study 
is divided into five parts devoted to a general survey from 1731 to 
1788, the San Xavier missions, the reorganization of the lower gulf 
coast, Spanish activities on the lower Trinity River, and the re- 
moval from and the reoecupation of eastern Texas. A number of 
early maps are interspersed through the volume. 

Students of the administration of Indian affairs in the United 
States will welcome a volume, published by the Office of Indian Af- 


fairs at "Washington, containing The Correspondence of James 8. 
Calhoun while Indian Agent at Santa Fe and Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs in New Mexico. This correspondence, which covers 
the period from April, 1849, to May, 1852, is taken mainly from the 
files of the Indian office, and is edited by Annie Heloise Abel. Four 
excellent maps are to be found in a pocket on the back cover. Un- 
fortunately the index is very brief and inadequate. 

Masters of Men: A Retrospect in Presidential Politics, by Daniel 
J. Ryan, is a little volume published by McClelland and Company 
of Columbus, Ohio. There are seven chapters bearing the titles: 
Ohio in national politics ; John Sherman, statesman ; preparing for 
a contest; in Chicago in the heat of June; the victory of the 
"plumed knight"; the Independent Republican movement; and 
Blaine in Ohio. Moreover, there are contemporary portraits of 
James G. Blaine, James A. Garfield, John Sherman, Joseph B. For- 
aker, "William McKinley, Marcus A. Hanna, "William H. West, and 
Carl Schurz. 


Leaves from Church History; and The Relation of Wealth to Life, 
by H. August Koehler, are articles in the October number of 
Autumn Leaves, both of which are continued in the November 

Banking Based on the Community is the title of an address by 
Jesse C. McNish which appears in The Northwestern Banker for 

The Library and a Changing Iowa is the title of an address by 
L. L. Dickerson, which is printed in the October-December number 
of the Iowa Library Quarterly. 

The October number of The Grinnell Review contains a brief bio- 
graphical sketch of Professor Henry Louis Bullen, under the head- 
ing The Last of the Early Professors of Iowa College. 

A digest of the New School Laws Enacted hy the Last General 
Assembly; and Some Recollections of Educational Work in loiva, by 



Samuel J. Buck, are published in the November number of Midland 

A biographical sketch of the late Emlin McClain, Dean of the 
College of Law of the State University of Iowa, written by Jacob 
Van der Zee, appears in the November number of the Iowa Law 
Bulletin. There is also a brief appreciation of Emlin McClain: A 
Great Teacher of Law, by Eugene Wambaugh. 

An excellent compilation of Recent Road Legislation in Iowa, 
edited by Henry E. Sampson and Thomas H. MacDonald, was pub- 
lished in September as a supplement to the Service Bidletin of the 
State Highway Commission. Not only is the text of the various 
laws given, but there are explanations following every section which 
make the legal language understandable by everyone; and there is 
a good index. 

American Municipalities for October contains, among other 
things, the Report of the Committee on State Legislation, by J. D. 
Glasgow. Engineering Cooperation for Small Towns is discussed by 
Richard R. Price in the November issue; while in the December 
number there may be found the Report of the Committee on Ju- 
dicial Opinions, by Ben P. Poor. In all three numbers there are 
numerous notes on municipal activities in Iowa and surrounding 
States, and the proceedings of the various leagues of municipalities. 

The Iowa Park and Forestry Association has published a Memo- 
rial Volume of over five hundred pages containing tributes to and 
addresses by the late John F. Laeey, compiled by L. H. Pammel of 
Ames. A chronological list of important events in the life of Major 
Lacey ; resolutions of various organizations at the time of his death ; 
brief appreciations by friends and admirers; and numerous ad- 
dresses by Major Lacey on the subjects of forestry, game protection, 
and the conservation of natural resources in general occupy most of 
the volume. The last hundred pages are given over to the proceed- 
ings of the Iowa Park and Forestry Association for 1913, and an 
index to the Lacey memoirs. 

Under the guise of a story for young people, entitled Vera's Visit 
to Davenport, Antoine Le Claire's Town in the Black Hawk Pur- 


chase, there has been issued from the printshop of Friendly House 
at Davenport, Iowa, a booklet of thirty-six pages, written by Harry 
E. Downer, which presents in a very entertaining manner many of 
the events in the history of Davenport and vicinity. As a frontis- 
piece there is a portrait of Antoine Le Claire, and there are numer- 
ous other cuts of historic buildings and scenes in and around 
Davenport. This is the sort of historical writing which should make 
a strong appeal to youthful readers, while at the same time it could 
profitably be read by adults who should know the main facts in the 
history of their community. 

Under the title Importuning for Redress there is an article by 
Heman C. Smith in the October number of the Journal of History 
published at Lamoni, Iowa, by the Reorganized Church of Jesus 
Christ of Latter Day Saints, in which is emphasized the desire of 
the church to proceed through legal means in securing relief from 
its trouble in Missouri. Among other documents quoted is a letter 
from Governor Robert Lucas to President Van Buren. Current 
Reports and Opinions of Early Days is the heading given to a num- 
ber of extracts from Missouri newspapers of 1833 and 1834 dealing 
with the Mormons. There is also an extended notice of the recently 
published History of Decatur County, Iowa, and its People. The 
remaining pages are taken up with continuations of autobiograph- 
ical and biographical material. 

International Laiv and the European War, by Horace M. Towner.; 
The Lawyer as a Craftsman, by Charles B. Elliott; The Laivyer's 
Relation to Politics, by William S. Kenyon; Dismissing Without 
Prejudice, by Fred W. Sargent; and Local Self-government for 
Cities and Towns, by F. F. Dawley, are papers and addresses which 
may be found in the Proceedings of the Twenty-first Annual Session 
of the Iowa State Bar Association, edited by H. C. Horack. There 
are also brief biographical sketches of the following members of the 
Association who died during the year 1914^1915: Burton A. 
Billings, Henry Clay Caldwell, F. A. Charles, John Cliggitt, Ed- 
ward E. Cook, W. W. Cory, Anthony C. Daly, Madison B. Davis, 
Frank W. Eiehelberger, Homer W. Green, W. Sanford Griffiths, 



John D. M. Hamilton, Monroe A. Hoyt, John M. Herron, John T. 
Illiek, Louis H. Jackson, James W. Jamison, Myrtle L. Kennedy, 
Jed Lake, Robert E. Leach, Sabret T. Marshall, Emlin McClain, 
William 0. McElroy, Smith McPherson, Timothy P. Murphy, 
Alonzo C. Parker, George M. Pardoe, George H. Phillips, Cyrus S. 
Ranck, William L. Read, P. W. Reisinger, Lewis A. Reilly, Charles 
A. Rogers, Gerhardt H. Schulte, W. E. Snelling, Louis F. Springer, 
Francis M. Taylor, Zadoc W. Thomas, and W. W. Welch. 


Beal, Foster EUenborough Lascelles, 

Food Habits of the Thrushes of the United States. Washing- 
ton: Government Printing Office. 1915. 
Bolton, Frederick Elmer, 

Higher Standards of Preparation for Teaching (Education, 
September, 1915). 
Botsford, George Willis, 

A Syllabus of Roman History. New York : The Macmillan Co. 
Brigham, Johnson, 

Blaine, Conkling and Garfield: A Reminiscence and a Charac- 
ter Study. Des Moines: Prairie Club. 1915. 

Brisco, Norris Arthur, 

Working Conditions Necessary for Maximum Output (Annals 
of the American Academy, September, 1915). 
Brown, John Franklin, 

State Publication of School Books (School and Society, Octo- 
ber 2, 1915). 
Bryan, William Alanson, 

Natural History of Hawaii. New York: G. E. Stechert. 1915. 

Butler, Ellis Parker, 

Red Head and Whistle Breeches. New York: Bancroft Co. 

Catt, Carrie Chapman, 

Woman Suffrage Must Win (Independent, October 11, 1915). 

VOL. XEV — 9 


Clark, Dan Elbert, 

Historical Activities in the Trans-Mississippi Northwest, 1914- 
1915 (Mississippi Valley Historical Review, December, 

Clement, Ernest Wilson, 

Short History of Japan. Chicago : University of Chicago Press. 

Cummins, Albert Baird, 

Defense and Revenue in the Next Congress (Review of Re- 
views, November, 1915). 

Ficke, Arthur Davison, 

Twelve Japanese Painters. Chicago: Seymour, Daughaday & 
Co. 1915. 

Gillin, John Lewis (Joint author), 

Outlines of Sociology. New York: The Macmillan Co. 1915. 

Goodyear, Lloyd E., 

Principles, Rules, and Definitions for Bookkeeping. Cedar 
Rapids: Goodyear-Marshall Publishing Co. 1915. 

Green, H. H., 

The Recognition of Jesse Badleigh. Decorah, Iowa: Public 
Opinion Press. 1915. 

Gunderson, Julius J., 

Complete Course in Horsemanship. Sheldon, Iowa: Sheldon 
Sun. 1915. 

Horack, H. Claude (Editor), 

Proceedings of the Twenty-first Annual Session of the Iowa 
State Bar Association. Iowa City : Published by the Associ- 
ation. 1915. 

Hough, Emerson, 

Out of Doors. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1915. 

Hueston, Ethel, 

Prudence of the Parsonage. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-MerriU 
Co. 1915. 



HutchinsoB, Woods, 

Hardening up for the Winter (Good Housekeeping, October, 
1915) ; Why is a Genius? (Everybody's, October, 1515). 
Knipe, Mrs. Emilie B., and Knipe, Alden A., 

A Maid of '76. New York: The Maemillan Co. 1915. 
McVey, Frank Le Rond, 

What is Education? (School and Society, September 4, 1915). 
Macy, Jesse, and Gannaway, John W., 

Comparative Free Government. New York: The Maemillan 
Co. 1915. 
Marolf, Louis C, 

Imperishable Elements of Poetry (Dial, September 16, 1915). 
Morley, Margaret "Warner, 

The Apple Tree Sprite. Chicago : A. C. MeClurg & Co. 1915. 
Parrish, Randall, 

Beyond the Frontier. Chicago : A. C. McClurg & Co. 1915. 
Quick, Herbert, 

The Brown Mouse. Indianapolis : The Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1915. 
Richardson, Anna Steese, 

Girl with Notebook and Pencil (Woman's Home Companion, 
October, 1915) ; Who Closed the Theatre in Your Town? 
(MeClure's Magazine, October, 1915) ; Who Gets Your Dime 
(McClure's Magazine, November, 1915). 
Robbins, Edwin Clyde, 

Socialism. White Plains, New York : H. W. Wilson Co. 1915. 
Roberts, George Evan, 

U. S. A. — Creditor Nation (Everybody's, November, 1915). 
Sabin, Edwin Legrand, 

Gold Seekers of '49. Philadelphia : J. B. Lippincott Co. 1915. 
Starch, Daniel, 

Advertising: Its Principles, Practice, and Technique. Chicago : 
Scott, Foresman & Co. 1915. 

Steiner, Edward Alfred, 

Introducing the American Spirit. New York and Chicago: 
Fleming H. Revell Co. 1915. 



The Des Moines Register and Leader 

Cato Sells of Iowa, October 11, 1915. 
Allison Memorial Foundation, October 16, 1915. 
Pioneers Recall Obscure Crime of Henry Furry in 1884, October 17, 

Reminders of James H. "Wilson, October 27, 1915. 

Early-day Federal Clerk Recalls Bogus Bill Case, October 24, 1915. 

Monument to Iowa Soldiers who Died at Killdeer, October 24, 1915. 

Iowa Man — Charles W. Price — Nation's Foremost Life-saver, by 
Irving N. Brant, October 24, 1915. 

History of Iowa Soldiers' Home, October 24, 1915. 

Leigh Hunt's Plan for Homes for Iowa Farm Boys, by Irving N. 
Brant, October 26, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Henry Harrison Rood, October 27, 1915. 

Many Baseball Stars Start Careers in Iowa, October 27, 1915. 

How Money was Wasted on Military Posts, October 31, 1915. 

How an Indian Inspired Oskaloosa to Progress, October 31, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of John Clarke, Father of Governor Clarke, No- 
vember 5, 1915. 

Proposed Allison-Henderson Memorial at Dubuque, November 7, 

Bloomfield Woman one of First Iowa Members of Eastern Star, No- 
vember 7, 1915. 

S. F. Prouty Tells Teachers how he got into Walnut Trade, Novem- 
ber 7, 1915. 

Famous Engineer who Pulled First Northwestern Fast Mail, No- 
vember 9, 1915. 

Memories of Bishop Taylor, November 14, 1915. 

Pearl Wizard of West is Iowa Man, November 21, 1915. 

Growth of Insurance Business in Iowa, November 25, 1915. 

Tribute to Crocker's Brigade, by Edgar R. Harlan, December 5, 

Sketch of the life of Corydon H. Brown, December 19, 1915. 
Great Distinction Comes to Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, December 
19, 1915. 



Passing of the Mulct Law, December 31, 1915. 

Two Decades of the Mulct Law, by A. B. Funk, December 31, 1915. 

The Burlington Hawk-Eye 

Extracts from Mr. Antrobus' History of Des Moines County, Octo- 
ber 3, 10, 17, 24, November 7, 14, 1915. 

C. E. Hoar, Old Stage Route Agent, October 10, 1915. 

Judge Luke Palmer's Address at Old Settlers' Celebration in 1858, 
October 31, 1915. 

Veteran River Man Talks about River, November 14, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Mrs. Anne M. Hebard, November 14, 1915. 

The Old Settlers' Banquet in 1858, November 21, 28, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of the Rev. Father William Jacoby, November 21, 

History of the Hotels of Burlington, December 5, 1915. 

Iowa Pioneer School Houses and Teachers, December 12, 1915. 

Winter of 1856-1857 in Iowa, December 19, 1915. 

First Settlers Shunned the Prairies, December 19, 1915. 

Days of the Pioneers, December 19, 1915. 

History of Town of Lawrence, December 26, 1915. 


Early Experiences of Mrs. Cooper in Dickinson County, in the 

Spirit Lake Herald, September 29, 1915. 
Across the Plains to Salt Lake in '57, by William Clark, in the 

Ogden Reporter, September 30, 1915. 
Some School History in Spirit Lake, by A. B. Funk, in the Spirit 

Lake Beacon, September 30, 1915. 
Early History of Union Township, in the Eldora Herald, September 

30, 1915. 

Proposed Allison-Henderson Memorial Park — Interesting History 
of Old Shot Tower, in the Duhuque Telegraph-Herald, October 
3, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Charles W. Miller, in the Des Moines Tribune, 
October 6, 1915. 

Golden Wedding of Mr. and Mrs. Samuel B. Heizer, in the Medi- 
apolis News, October 6, 1915. 


Reminiscences of Old Times in Spirit Lake, in the Spirit Lake Her- 
ald, October 6, 1915. 

Early Coal Fields of Hardin County, in the Eldora Herald, October 
7, 1915. 

Southern Border of Iowa in 1846, in the Lineville Tribune, October 
7, 1915. 

Cost of Living in 1869, in the Waukon Republican, October 13, 1915. 

Reminiscences of Clayton County, in the Elkader Register and 
Argus, October 14, December 9, 23, 1915. 

Historic Mill on the English River, in the Wellman Advance, Octo- 
ber 14, 1915. 

Life in Beaver Township, Polk County, in the Early Days, in the 

Mitchellville Index, October 14, 1915. 
History of an Iowa Farm Home in Jefferson County, by Hiram 

Heaton, in the Burlington Post, October 16, 1915. 
Sketch of the life of E. A. Harris, Early Railroad Promoter, in the 

Pella Booster, October 20, 1915. 
Sketch of the life of Irving M. Fisher, Pioneer of Butler County, in 

the Nashua Reporter, October 21, 1915. 
Life and Achievements of Black Hawk, in the Burlington Gazette, 

October 21, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of J. S. Noble, in the New Market Herald, October 
21, 1915. 

Lincoln Owned a Tama County Farm, in the Tama Herald, October 
21, 1915. 

History of Early Coal Mining, Near Eldora, in the Eldora Herald, 
October 21, 1915. 

Seventy-fifth Birthday of Hon. E. C. Ebersole, in the Toledo Chron- 
icle, October 21, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of John McCoy, in the Ghurdan Reporter, October 
22, 1915. 

Preserving Local History, in the Mason City Times, October 26, 

Sketch of the life of Col. Henry H. Rood, Secretary of Board of 
Trustees of Cornell College, in the Cedar Rapids Gazette, Octo- 
ber 26, 1915. 



Old Marion County, running in the Knoxville Express. 
Sketch of the life of Charies T. Granger, in the Des Moines Capital, 
October 27, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Joseph Treloar, in the Ogden Beporter, October 
28, 1915. 

Eomance in the Naming of Iowa Towns and Cities, in the Des 

Moines Capital, October 30, 1915. 
The Old Des Moines Mail Coach, in the Burlington Post, October 30, 


Eighty Years in Iowa — A. B. Dowell of Vinton, in the Chariton 
Leader, November 4, 1915. 

John P. White tells of Early Days in Appanoose County, in the 
Centerville lowegian, November 5, 1915. 

John K. Cook, the First Citizen of Sioux City, in the Sioux City 
Journal, November 7, 1915. 

Tacitus Hussey is Honored by Citizens, in the Des Moines News, No- 
vember 9, 1915. 

Early Days of the Rock Island Railroad, in the Winterset Beporter, 
November 10, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Augustine Cooper, in the Manchester Press, 
November 11, 1915. 

Early Days in Northern Tama County, in the Traer Star-Clipper, 
November 12, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Mrs. Anne Hebard, Red Oak's Oldest Citizen, 
in the Bed Oak Express, November 12, 1915. 

Memories of Prairie Land, by Mrs. Caroline Soule, in the Ogden 
Beporter, November 18, 1915. 

First Shipment of Grain out of Linn County, in the Lisbon Herald, 
November 18, 1915. 

Early Day Bandits of Iowa and Missouri, in the Farmington Dem- 
ocrat, November 19, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Hugh Pope, in the Knoxville Journal, Novem- 
ber 25, 1915. 

Early History of Dubuque Lead Mines, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, November 28, December 5, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Thomas Bulman, in the Waukon Standard, De- 
cember 2, 1915. 


W. G. McElrea, Last Iowa Survivor of Sultana Disaster, in the 

Knoxville Journal, December 2, 1915. 
Early History of Eldon, by I. H. Tomlinson, in the Eldon Forum, 

December 2, 1915. 
Early Day Life in Black Hawk County, in the Waterloo Courier, 

December 2, 1915. 
John S. Wolf Tells of Early Railroad-building in Iowa, in the Cedar 

Bapids Gazette, December 4, 1915. 
Iowa : A Marvelous History, in the Sioux City Journal, December 5, 


J. A. Green, Pioneer of Anamosa, has Enviable Record, in the Ana- 

mosa Journal, December 9, 1915. 
Brigham's New History of Iowa, in the Clinton Herald, December 

9, 1915. 

How Muscatine Gained its Name, in the Muscatine J ournal, Decem- 
ber 11, 1915. 

When the Union Pacific Reached Cheyenne, in the Burlington Post, 

December 11, 1915. 
Early Settlers Met Hardships, in the Clinton Herald, December 16, 


Christmas in Dubuque During Early Days, in the Duhuque Tele- 
graph-Herald, December 19, 1915. 

Mr. and Mrs. P. M. Musser Celebrate Golden Wedding Anniversary, 
in the Davenport Democrat, December 19, 1915. 

Early History Recalled by Pioneer Algona Girl, by Mrs. Gardner 
Cowles, in the Algona Advance, December 22 and 29, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Lorenzo A. Barker, Veteran Editor, in the 
Sihley Gazette, December 23, 1915. 

Christmas on the O'Brien Prairies in the Early Seventies, by Mrs. 
Roma Woods, in the Paullina Times, December 23, 1915. 

Early Days in the Mississippi Valley, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, December 26, 1915. 

Sketches of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. Ben Swearingen, Pioneers of 
Centerville, in the Centerville lowegian, December 28, 1915. 

Sketch of the life of Mrs. B. F. Osborn of Rippey, in the Perry Ad- 
vertiser, December 28, 1915. 



Mason City in 1883, in the Mason City Globe-Gazette, December 28, 

Final Week for the Iowa Saloons — Some Statistics, in the Waterloo 

Times-Tribune, December 28, 1915. 
Sketch of the life of Calvin Lippard, Pioneer of Keokuk County, in 

the Sigourney Review, December 29, 1915. 
Sketch of the life of Judge W. E. Blake, in the Keokuk Gate-City, 

December 29, 1915. 
Recollections of Survivor of Spirit Lake Massacre, in the Des 

Moines Capital, December 29, 1915. 
The 'Brien County of Long Ago, in the Paullina Times, December 

30, 1915. 

History of Cerro Gordo County, in the Mason City Times, December 
30, 1915. 



Besides continuations the Historical Collections of the Essex In- 
stitute for October contains an article on Endecott Lands, Salem, in 
1700, by Sidney Perley. 

A bulletin of information containing a description of the Collec- 
tions on Labor and Socialism in the Wisconsin State Historical Li- 
brary has been issued by the Society. 

The September number of The Wisconsin Archeologist is devoted 
to an illustrated account of the archaeology of the region surround- 
ing Lake Wingra, written by Charles E. Brown. 

A brief account of the Life and Military Services of Brevet-Major 
General Bobert 8. Foster, by Charles W. Smith, constitutes volume 
five, number six of the Indiana Historical Society Publications. 

In addition to continuations of source material the J ournal of the 
Presbyterian Historical Society for December contains an historical 
sketch of Dr. Robert Smith's Academy at Pequea, Pennsylvania, by 
Jacob N. Beam. 

A Memorial of Colonel Andrew Warner, prepared by Robert H. 
Kelby, has been printed as a pamphlet by the New York Historical 
Society. Colonel Warner was recording secretary of the Society for 
nearly fifty years. 

R, D. W. Connor is the editor of an Autobiography of Asa Briggs 
including a Journal of a Trip from North Carolina to New York in 
1832, which appears as a recent number of the Publications of the 
North Carolina Historical Commission. 

Carrying out one of the functions imposed upon it by law, the 
Department of History of South Dakota, of which Doane Robinson 




is Secretary and superintendent, has prepared and publislaed the 
Third Census of the State of South Dakota. 

Volume ten of the seventh series of the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society consists of the second volume of the il- 
luminating series of papers and correspondence relative to the Com- 
merce of Rhode Island, 1726-1800, edited by Worthington C. Ford. 

A paper by Willard C. MacNaul on The Relations of Thomas 
Jefferson and James Lemen in the Exclusion of Slavery from Illi- 
nois and the Northwest Territory with Related Documents, 1781- 
1818, which was read before the Chicago Historical Society, has 
been printed in pamphlet form by the Society. 

An Index to Volumes I-XX of the Wisconsin Historical Collec- 
tions, the work of a number of persons including the late Emma 
Helen Blair, Ada Tyng Griswold, and Louise Phelps Kellogg, con- 
stitutes volume twenty-one of the Collections. The users of this 
series of publications will heartily welcome this elaborate index of 
nearly six hundred pages. 

The proceedings of the thirtieth annual meeting of the Ohio State 
Archaeological and Historical Society; an article on Hull's Trace or 
Trail, by Robt. P. Kennedy; a brief discussion of the question 
Where did Eliza Cross the Ohio f, by Felix J. Koch ; and a statement 
concerning The Hayes Bequests make up the contents of the Ohio 
Archaeological and Historical Quarterly for October. 

The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography for January 
opens with a Report of the Journey of Francis Louis Michel from 
Berne, Switzerland, to Virginia, October 2, 1701 — December 1, 
1702, translated and edited by Wm. J. Hinke. The selection of doc- 
uments concerning The Virginia Frontier in History — 1778, by 
David I. Bushnell, Jr., here printed deal with events leading up to 
the Treaty of Fort Pitt. 

The first sixty pages of Tract No. 95 of the Western Reserve His- 
torical Society are devoted to articles of incorporation, lists of of- 
ficers and members, and annual reports of officers. The remaining, 
one hundred pages are taken up with Letters from the Samuel Hunt- 


ington Correspondence, 1800-1812, with an introduction by Elbert 
J. Benton. Samuel Huntington was a prominent citizen and official 
in Ohio during the early pioneer period. 

In the June number of the Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Canada may be found the following papers : Le Probleme des Races 
au Canada, by Monseigneur Paul Bruchesi ; Le Mort de Champlain, 
by Benjamin Suite ; Treaty of 1825 — Correspondence Respecting 
the Boundary Between Russian America (Alaska) and British 
North America, by James White ; and The Loyalists and Six Nation 
Indians in the Niagara Peninsula, by Wilbur H. Siebert. 

Under the title of Fathers of the State Floyd C. Shoemaker pre- 
sents an interesting discussion of the personnel of the Missouri Con- 
stitutional Convention of 1820, which occupies the opening pages of 
The Missouri Historical Review for October. Among the members 
of the convention to whom special attention is given is Henry 
Dodge, whose connection with Iowa history is well known. Anna B. 
Korn is the writer of a short article on the Origin of Missouri Day. 

The Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society for April, 
1915, opens with an address on The Life and Labors of Jonathan B. 
Turner, by Edmund J. James. Then follows A Chapter from the 
History of the Underground Railroad in Illinois, by John H. Ryan. 
Other contributions are : Historical Sketches of Part of the Wabash 
Valley, by H. W. Beekwith ; and the Diary of John Peake, a Revo- 
lutionary soldier who later settled in Illinois, with introduction and 
notes by Harold F. Crookes. 

The September number of the Records of the American Catholic 
Historical Society contains, among other things, an historical and 
descriptive sketch of the Society; an account of Prince Gallitzin's 
First Visit to the Allegheny Mountains; and Father Peter Helbron's 
Greensburg, Pa., Register. In the December number there is an 
item of interest to students of Mississippi Valley history, namely, a 
section of the Epistle or Diary of the Reverend Father Marie Joseph 
Durand, translated from the French by Ella M. E. Flick. 



Four contributions are to be found in the Proceedings of the 
American Antiquarian Society, volume twenty-five, part one, name- 
ly : a Check List of Rhode Island Almanacs, 1643-1850, with intro- 
duction and notes by Howard M. Chapin ; a biographical sketch of 
Justin Fox, a German Printer of the Eighteenth Century, by 
Charles L. Nichols; a monograph on Connecticut's Ratification of 
the Federal Constitution, by Bernard C. Steiner; and part three of 
a Bibliography of American Neivspapers, 1690-1820, compiled by 
Clarence S. Brigham. 

Chapters three to six of the study of The Sulpicians in the United 
States, by Charles Gr. Herbermann, occupy the first eighty pages of 
volume eight of the Historical Records and Studies published by the 
United States Catholic Historical Society and edited by the writer 
above named. Other contributions in this volume are: Dr. John 
McLaughlin, by Thomas J. Campbell; Mission Work Among Col- 
ored Catholics, by Thomas F. Meehan; Evils of Trusteeism, by 
Gerald C. Treacy; and Two Letters of Mother Seton, Founder of 
the Sisters of Charity in the United States. 

Continuations of Some Material for a Biography of Mrs. Eliza- 
heth Fergusson, nee Graeme, by Simon Gratz ; and of Extracts from 
the Diary of Thomas Franklin Pleasants, 1814, occupy the first part 
of The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography for Octo- 
ber. Other materials of a documentary nature here printed include 
James Morrell's Account of a Trip to Ballston and Saratoga 
Springs in August, 1813; the diary of A Missionary's Tour to 
Shamokin and the West Branch of the Susquehanna, 1753; and 
some letters relative to Caesar Rodney's Ride, July, 1776. 

The Fourteenth Report of the Public Archives Commission of the 
American Historical Association, edited by Victor H. Paltsits, has 
been reprinted from the Annual Report of the American Historical 
Association for 1913. Besides the formal report and the proceed- 
ings of the conference of archivists, the reprint contains a report on 
The Public Archives of Wyoming, by James F. Willard ; and a List 
of Reports and Representations of the Plantation Councils, 1660- 
1674, the Lords of Trade, 1675-1696, and the Board of Trade, 


1696-1782, in the Public Record Office, edited by Charles M. 

Among the contributions in the Annual Publications of the His- 
torical Society of Southern California for the year 1914 are the fol- 
lowing: To California via Panama in 1852, by Mrs. Cornelius Cole; 
How the Area of Los Angeles City was Enlarged, by J. M. Guinn ; 
The History of the Telegraph in California, by Alice L. Bates ; The 
Earliest Spanish Land Grants in California, by M. M. Livingston; 
The First Expedition of Jedidiah H. Smith to California, by Robert 
G. Cleland; Marshall, the Discoverer of Gold in California, by 
Percival J. Cooney; and Mexican Land Grants in California, by 
Charles C. Baker. 

The October number of The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 
published by the Texas State Historical Association, opens with the 
first installment of a monograph on Administrative Problems of the 
Confederate Post Office Department, by L. R. Garrison. Then fol- 
lows chapter four of the study of Texas versus White, by William 
W. Pierson, Jr. Other contributions are: Early Presbyterianism in 
Texas as Seen by Bev. James Weston Miller, by Robert F. Miller; 
The Alta California Supply Ships, 1773-76, by Charles E. Chap- 
man; and another section of British Correspondence Concerning 
Texas, edited by Ephraim Douglass Adams. 

Beminiscences of the Burning of Columbia, South Carolina, by 
Michael C. Garber, Jr., — in which there are several references to 
the excellent behavior of Iowa troops at that time ; The Election of 
1852 in Indiana, by Dale Beeler; George W. Julian's Journal — 
The Assassination of Lincoln, with introduction and notes by James 
A. Woodburn; The Indiana Historical Commission and Plans for 
the Centennial, by James A. Woodburn; The Meaning of "Tassi- 
nong", by Jacob P. Dunn ; and Governor Harrison and the Treaty of 
Fort Wayne, 1809, by Ellmore Barce, are contributions in the De- 
cember number of the Indiana Magazine of History. 

Tennessee, the Compromise of 1850, and the Nashville Convention, 
by St. George L. Sioussat; Spanish Beaction Against the French 



Advance Toward New Mexico, 1717-1727, by William E. Dunn; 
The Statesmanship of President Johnson: A Study of the Presi- 
dential Reconstruction Policy, by Lawrence H. Gipson; and His- 
torical Activities in the Trans-Mississippi Northwest, 1914-1915, by 
Dan E. Clark, are articles which appear in the December number of 
The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. About twenty pages are 
devoted to some Remnants of the Letter Files of the Dearborn Fam- 
ily, with introduction and notes by Thomas Maitland Marshall. 

A large number of interesting papers are to be found in the thir- 
teenth volume of the Proceedings of the New York State Historical 
Association. Perhaps the following are of the greatest general in- 
terest: The Evolution of History, by Grenville M. Ingalsbe; The 
Undervaluation of American Citizenship, by Alphonso T. Clear- 
water; Sir William Johnson and Pontiac, by James T. Clark; The 
Fur Traders of Early Oswego, by Frederick "W. Barnes ; Lake On- 
tario in History, by Henry W. Elson ; The Loyalist Migration Over- 
land, by William S. Wallace; The Old Trail from the Mohawk to 
Oswego, by Avery W. Skinner; The Party of the Loyalists in the 
American Revolution, by Moses Coit Tyler ; and The Naval History 
of Lake Ontario and Lake Erie in the War of 1812, by Ada W. Hill. 

The Story of the Mercer Expeditions, by which a number of New 
England people were brought to Washington Territory during the 
sixties, is told by Flora A. P. Engle in the opening pages of The 
Washington Historical Quarterly for October. W. B. Seymore is 
the writer of a brief paper on Pioneer Hotel Keepers of Puget 
Sound. An article which has some bearing on Iowa history is one 
on The Mormon Trail, by Hiram F. White, who traces clearly and 
concisely the route of this important thoroughfare to the Far West. 
Jason Lee: New Evidence on the Missionary and Colonizer is the 
title of the concluding article, written by John Martin Cause. 
Under the heading of ' ' Documents ' ' there is printed a continuation 
of the Journal of Occurrences at Nisqually House, 1833, edited by 
Clarence B. Bagley. 

The opening contribution in The Quarterly of the Oregon His- 
torical Society for September is a scholarly study of The Organiza- 


Hon of the Oregon Emigrating Companies, by Harrison C. Dale. 
This is a topic which has a bearing on Iowa history, since, as is 
shown by the writer, a number of such emigration societies were 
formed in the Territory of Iowa, with the result that many people, 
after a brief sojourn here, joined the movement toward the Pacific 
Northwest during the forties. The Yaquina Railroad, by Leslie M. 
Scott ; and The Pacific Coast Survey of 1849 and 1850, by Lewis A. 
McArthur are other articles. Finally, there is another installment 
of the Correspondence of the Reverend Ezra Fisher, who, as has al- 
ready been noted in these pages, spent some time as a missionary in 
the Territory of Iowa before going to Oregon. 

The Scientific Studies of Dr. Asa Horr of Dubuque are discussed 
by James 0. Crosby in the Annals of Iowa for October. Three ap- 
preciations of the life and services of Richard C. Barrett are written 
by F. F. Faville, Albert M. Deyoe, and Edgar R. Harlan. The 
Opinions of Hon. Smith McPherson, District Judge, in the Case of 
the United States vs. David S. Morrison are set forth by A. J. Small. 
The sixth installment of The Writings of Judge George G. Wright, 
here printed, relates to Shepherd Leffler, S. C. Hastings, and Joseph 
Williams. B. L. Wick is the author of a brief sketch of the life of 
Judge George Greene. Finally, there are additional sections of the 
C. C. Stiles 's outline classification of the Public Archives of Iowa, 
dealing in this instance with the office of the State Treasurer; and 
of Alice Marple 's list of Iowa Authors and their Works. 

Besides reports of the proceedings of meetings volume one of the 
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 
1913 contains a number of valuable papers. Among them may be 
mentioned the following: Manuscripts and Historical Archives, by 
Worthington C. Ford; Frauds in Historical Portraiture, or Spur- 
ious Portraits of Historical Personages, by Charles Henry Hart; 
The Committee of the States, 1784, by Edmund C. Burnett; The 
Return of John C. Calhoun to the Senate in 1845, by James E. 
Walmsley; Charleston During the Civil War, by Theodore D. Jer- 
vey; The Bombardment of Fort Sumter, 1861, by Oliver L. Spauld- 
ing, Jr. ; and Planning the Publication Work of Historical Agencies, 



by Clarence W. Alvord. Volume two of the Report is devoted to the 
Papers of James A. Bayard, 1796-1815, edited by Elizabeth 

The greater part of volume two of the Washington Historical So- 
ciety Publications is taken up with addresses delivered at the dedi- 
cation of the new building of the Society at Taeoma and at the un- 
veiling of various monuments marking historic sites in the State of 
"Washington. There are, however, the following papers : The Story 
of the Indian Attach upon Seattle, by Lucile W. Hewitt ; Reminis- 
cences of Early Washington Territory, by James Clark Strong; 
notes relative to The Natches Pass Emigrant Train, the Indian Wars, 
etc., by the late W. H. Gilstrap ; Washington Territory's First Leg- 
islature, by Allen Weir; The Anti-Chinese Riots of 1885, by John 
H. McGraw ; a reprint of the account of The Ascent of TaJchoma, by 
General Hazard Stevens; Indian Superstitions, by P. F. Hylebos; 
and Correspondence Relative to the Indian Names of the Great 
Mountain, conducted by Benjamin L. Harvey. 

An interesting glimpse of early commercial activities in the West 
from about 1754 to 1776 is to be found in an article describing The 
Gratz Papers, by William Vincent Byers, which appears in number 
twenty-three of the Publications of the American J ewish Historical 
Society. Barnard and Michael Gratz were Philadelphia merchants 
whose business relations extended as far west as the Illinois country. 
The Startling Experience of a Jewish Trader During Pontiac's 
Siege of Detroit in 1763, briefly related by David E. Heineman, is 
another item of western interest. Among the other contributions 
may be mentioned the following: Some Jewish Associates of John 
Brown, by Leon Hiihner ; References to J ews in the Correspondence 
of John J. Crittenden, contributed by Cyrus Adler and Albert M. 
Friedenberg ; and Jews Interested in Privateering in America Dur- 
ing the Eighteenth Century, by Leon Hiihner. 

The first part of a biography of General James Winchester, 1752- 
1826, by John H. DeWitt ; the concluding installment of Donald L. 
McMurry's study of The Indian Policy of the Federal Government 
and the Economic Development of the Southwest, 1789-1801; a 

VOL. XIV — 10 


roster of The Confederate Government, 1861-1865, compiled by W. 
E. Beard; and some Mexican War letters of Colonel William B. 
Campbell of Tennessee, edited by St. George L. Sioussat, make up 
the contents of the Tennessee Historical Magazine for June. In the 
September number The True Route of the Natchez Trace is dis- 
cussed by Park Marshall; the biography of General Winchester is 
concluded; A. P. Foster briefly sets forth The Purpose of the An- 
drew Jackson Memorial Association; and there are a number of 
letters of James K. Polk to Cave Johnson covering the period from 
1833 to 1846, with introduction and notes by St. George L. 

The American Historical Review for October opens with a twelve- 
page account of the meeting of the American Historical Association 
in California during the summer of 1915. Then follows a paper on 
Maximum Wage-laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381, 
by Bertha Haven Putnam. The French Objective in the American 
Revolution is discussed by Edward S. Corwin; The Earlier Rela- 
tions of England and Belgium are described by Charles W. Colby ; 
and A Theory of Jefferson Davis is presented by N. W. Stephenson. 
Among the "Notes and Suggestions" may be found some observa- 
tions relative to official military reports, by Justin H. Smith ; and a 
brief discussion of conscription during the Civil War, by Carl 
Russell Fish. Finally, under the heading of "Documents" there is 
printed Dr. John McLoughlin's Last Letter to the Hudson's Bay 
Company, as Chief Factor, in Charge at Fort Vancouver, 1845, with 
introduction and notes by Katharine B. Judson. 

Volume five, number five of the Indiana Historical Society Publi- 
cations is an exceedingly interesting and valuable contribution not 
only to the literature of Indiana history but also to that of all the 
Upper Mississippi Valley Commonwealths in which the conditions 
of pioneer life were essentially the same. It is a volume of nearly 
three hundred pages entitled The Pioneers of Morgan County and 
consists of the memoirs of Noah J. Major, edited by Logan Esarey. 
The memoirs, written in an entertaining style and made vivid by 
frequent illustrative anecdotes and by the use of many of the idioms 



and colloquial expressions characteristic of the period, present a 
very clear picture of the life of the pioneers. Some idea of the con- 
tents of the volume may be gained from the following list of subjects 
discussed : the first settlers, marriage and housekeeping, wooing and 
wedding, corn fields and early farming, sickness and sorrow, hunt- 
ing stories, religion, a summer school, politics and elections, counter- 
feiters, shows, exports and transportation, flatboats and boating, the 
old canal, mills and millwrights, and the early law-makers. It is 
seldom that reminiscences attain such a high standard in respect to 
style, accuracy, and breadth of view. 


The ninth annual meeting of the Ohio Valley Historical Associa- 
tion was held at Columbus, Ohio, on October 21 and 22, 1915. 

The New York Historical Society has recently published a cata- 
logue of its gallery of art, and a catalogue of its collection of 
Egyptian antiquities. 

The Madrid (Iowa) Historical Society has recently acquired a set 
of drawing instruments and some books which once belonged to 
C. W. Gaston, the first settler in Boone County. 

There is a growing sentiment in Page County in favor of the 
formation of a county historical society, and in fact a committee has 
been appointed to canvass the matter. It is to be hoped that the 
movement will soon be crowned with success. 

Students of Mississippi Valley history will be interested to know 
that iinder the direction of the Louisiana Historical Society a cal- 
endar is being prepared which will contain a list of the records of 
the French and Spanish regimes which are to be found in the 
Cabildo at New Orleans. 

The annual meeting of the Kossuth County Historical Society was 
held at Algona on December 14, 1915. A paper by Mrs. Gardner 
Cowles on the early history of Kossuth County containing frequent 
extracts from the diary of her fathei-, Ambrose Call, was the prin- 


cipal feature of the program. Mr. B. F. Reed was reelected presi- 
dent, and Mr. A. Hutchinson was chosen as secretary. 

The Historical Department of Iowa at Des Moines has acquired 
by gift the large collection of Civil War relics gathered by Major 
S. H. M. Byers. The difficulty of making a proper display of this 
collection has caused Curator Harlan to endorse the suggestion made 
by the Iowa department of the Grand Army of the Republic that an 
addition to the Historical Building should be erected for use as a 
' ' Grand Army Corridor ' '. 

Among the recent manuscript accessions of the State Historical 
Society of Wisconsin is a large collection of the letters and papers 
of Cyrus Woodman, an early attorney in Wisconsin who was also 
for a time register of the land office in that State. The Society held 
its sixty-third annual meeting on October 21st, the principal address 
being one by Gaillard Hunt of the Library of Congress on the sub- 
ject The President of the United States. 

A summary of the work of the Jefferson County Historical Society 
for the last quarter of the year 1915, prepared by Hiram Heaton, 
appeared in the Fairfield Journal of December 2, 1915. Special 
mention is made of the old settlers' reunion on October 1st. It is 
also noted that a movement is on foot to unite three Jefferson County 
organizations, namely: the Old Settlers' Association, the Old Set- 
tlers' Park Association, and the Historical Society. 

The State Historical Society of Missouri is now established in 
fire-proof quarters in the splendid new library building of the Uni- 
versity of Missouri at Columbia. The work of moving the large 
library and collections of the Society from Academic Hall was com- 
pleted during August and September. Nearly one-half of the new 
library building has been assigned to the Society, thus meeting all 
present needs and giving room for future expansion. Under its 
new superintendent, Mr. Floyd C. Shoemaker, the Society is mak- 
ing plans for the extension of its work to the end that it may be in- 
creasingly useful to the people of the State. The thirteenth annual 
meeting of the Society was held on December 10th, Walter B. 
Stevens of St. Louis being the principal speaker. 




On November 30, 1915, there was organized at Waukon, Iowa, the 
Allamakee County Historical and Archaeological Society, which in 
the constitution is declared to be an "auxiliary to the State His- 
torical Department of Iowa at Des Moines, the Historical Society of 
Iowa at Iowa City, the Waukon Public Library and the High School 
Library at Waukon." The objects of the Society are broad in 
scope, including the preservation of all records and materials bear- 
ing upon the history of the county as well as relics and remains of 
the prehistoric inhabitants of this region. The membership fee is 
one dollar a year. 

The following officers were elected to serve until the annual meet- 
ing which will be held on the second Tuesday of January : Charles 
F. Pye, President ; H. B. Miner, Vice President ; A. M. May, Secre- 
tary and Treasurer; and E. M. Hancock, Curator. In addition to 
these officers the list of incorporators includes Ellison Orr, Charlotte 
Hancock, and Miss Jessie Lewis. 


A volume on the history of third party movements in the United 
States, with special reference to Iowa, written by Dr. Fred E. 
Haynes, is now in press. 

Professor Louis B. Schmidt of the Iowa State College of Agri- 
culture and Mechanic Arts, a member of the Society, read a paper 
on The Economic History of American Agriculture as a Field for 
Study before the American Historical Association at Washington, 
D. C, during the holidays. 

General Grenville M. Dodge, who died on January 3, 1916, was a 
life member of The State Historical Society of Iowa, 

Dr. Benjamin F. Shambaugh, the Superintendent of the Society, 
delivered an illustrated address on Examples of what American 
States, Cities, and Business Corporations Have Done for the Pres- 
ervation of their Records at Washington, D. C, on December 28th 
before a joint meeting of various national organizations then in 


session in that city. The joint meeting was in the interest of the 
movement for the erection of a national archives building. 

Mr. J. A. Green of Stone City, a life member of the Society, cele- 
brated his seventy-first birthday on December 10th. He was born 
In Ireland in 1844, came to America in 1852, and located at Stone 
City in 1868, soon afterward opening up Champion Quarry, the 
operation of which in time developed into an industry of large pro- 
portions. Mr. Green was a member of the State Senate in the 
Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth General Assemblies. 

The following persons have recently been elected to membership 
in the Society: Mr. Dwight P. Breed, Grinnell, Iowa; Mr. G. R. 
Lemmon, Guthrie Center, Iowa; Mr. John Van Steenbergen, Sioux 
Center, Iowa ; Mr. E. P. Chase, Atlantic, Iowa ; Mr. F. W. Johansen, 
Audubon, Iowa; Mr. S. S. Melchert, Bloomfield, Iowa; Mr. A. F. 
Galloway, Clarinda, Iowa ; Mr. Ernest Horn, Iowa City, Iowa ; and 
Mr. Maurice Ricker. The following have been elected to life mem- 
bership : Mr. Euclid Sanders, Iowa City, Iowa ; Mr. F. E. Horack, 
Iowa City, Iowa ; and Mr. S. A. Swisher, Iowa City, Iowa. 


William L. Alexander, who was Adjutant General of Iowa from 
1878 to 1889, died at Pasadena, California, late in November, 1915. 

W. G. McElrea, one of the few survivors of the Sultana disaster 
on the Mississippi River during the Civil War, died near Knoxville, 
Iowa, on November 25, 1915. 

A log cabin has been erected near the entrance to Fejervary Park 
in Davenport, Iowa, as a memorial to the pioneers of Scott County 
and a reminder of pioneer days. 

At the age of ninety-four years, William Graham, State Senator 
in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth General Assemblies of Iowa, died 
in Des Moines on November 24, 1915. 

The seventeenth Iowa State Conference of Charities and Cor- 
rection was held at Waterloo on November 21-23, 1915. 

Lewis L. Taylor, who was a member of the State Senate of Iowa 
from the Thirtieth to the Thirty-fourth General Assemblies, died at 
his home in Centerville on December 27, 1915. 

Mrs. Mary Boone Hosman, a daughter of Nathan Boone whose 
name frequently appears in the early history of Iowa, died recently 
in Missouri. She was the last grandchild of Daniel Boone. 

Henry Harrison Rood, a member of the famous Crocker's Iowa 
Brigade, and secretary of the Board of Trustees of Cornell College 
at Mt. Vernon, Iowa, since 1868, died late in October, 1915. 

A tablet in memory of Chief Black Hawk was unveiled in Crapo 
Park at Burlington, Iowa, on October 21, 1915. 

Charles W. Miller, Representative from Bremer County in the 
General Assembly of Iowa, died at his home at Waverly on October 
6, 1915. Mr. Miller was born in Buchanan County in 1861. 



All of the State educational institutions in North Dakota are now 
governed by a single State Board of Educational Regents of five 
members, which was created by an act of the legislature in 1915. 

The foundation for the Allison monument on the capitol grounds 
at Des Moines was completed on October 15, 1915, and a bronze box 
containing a number of books and papers relating to Senator Al- 
lison was placed in the pedestal. It is expected that the monument 
will be entirely finished by May, 1916. 

Missouri is to have a new capitol building costing $3,500,000. The 
corner-stone was laid on June 24, 1915. This will be the eleventh 
building used for capitol purposes in Missouri in the course of its 

On December 19, 1915, at Marble Rock, Iowa, occurred the death 
of E. C. Spaulding, who was a member of the General Assembly 
from 1892 to 1896 and from 1902 to 1906, serving in each house 
during three legislative sessions. 

Professor Claude H. Van Tyne of the University of Michigan has 
retired from the board of editors of The Mississippi Valley His- 
torical Review, and has been chosen as a member of the editorial 
board of The American Historical Review. 

On October 26, 1915, occurred the death of Charles Trumbull 
Granger, who was a Justice of the Supreme Court of Iowa from 
1889 to 1900 and twice during that time was Chief Justice. Pre- 
viously he had served as district judge in the Thirteenth Judicial 
District, his home being at Waukon. During the past ten years 
Judge Granger lived in California. 

The Iowa Society of Social Science Teachers, which was organized, 
for the purpose of promoting an interest in the study of economics, 
history, and government, held a meeting at Des Moines on Novem- 
ber 4th and 5th, in connection with the sessions of the State Teach- 
ers ' Association. Among those who appeared on the program were 
Louis B. Schmidt, Paul F. Peck, Miss Clara M. Daley, B. F. As- 
quith, C. H. Meyerholz, and Thomas Teakle, the retiring president. 



The following officers were elected for the coming year: Louis B. 
Schmidt of Ames, president; Miss Ruth Fall of Cedar Palls, vice 
president; Miss Mary Kasson of Des Moines, secretary and treas- 
urer ; and Olynthus B. Clark of Drake University, chairman of the 
executive committee. 

At least fifteen scientific and learned associations held their an- 
nual meetings at Washington, D. C, during the holidays. Of great- 
est prominence was the second Pan-American Scientific Congress, 
covering a much wider field than its name indicates, and the sessions 
of which extended from December 27 to January 8. A large num- 
ber of delegates were in attendance from South and Central Amer- 
ica, as well as from all parts of North America. The Nineteenth 
International Congress of the Americanists also attracted delegates 
from many countries. Among the other organizations meeting at 
the same time and place doubtless the American Historical Associa- 
tion was the most largely attended. The American Economic Asso- 
ciation, the American Political Science Association, the American 
Sociological Society, and the associations devoted to anthropology, 
archaeology, and folk-lore also drew unusually large numbers of 
persons especially interested in these various fields. 


Eeaders of the biography of Senator George Wallace Jones, which 
was published four years ago by The State Historical Society of 
Iowa, will be interested in the following additional information fur- 
nished by Hon. G. S. Robinson of Spirit Lake, former Justice of the 
Supreme Court of Iowa, in a letter to the Superintendent of the 
Society : 

"I have just read with much interest Parish's George Wallace 
Jones. Although perhaps too late and not very important, I venture 
to call attention to a mooted question the answer to which is within 
my personal knowledge. 

"On page 7 it is said that he 'seems never to have been admitted 
to the bar. ' He was admitted to practice in the supreme court of 
this state during or about the year 1892 on motion. I do not know 
now what the preliminary proof of qualifications was but as he was 


Bot examined as for original admission there must have been proof 
of a prior admission. The proof submitted and the date of his ad- 
mission can be found among the supreme court records at Des 

"It is the practice, when a person or class is presented for ad- 
mission for the chief justice to administer the oath while he and the 
associate judges are sitting. The only exception to that practice 
which I ever knew occurred on the admission of Senator Jones. All 
the members of the court stood while the oath was administered." 


Grenville Mellen Dodge, one of Iowa's best known citizens, died 
at his home in Council Bluffs on January 3, 1916. As civil engineer, 
railroad-builder, soldier, and public-spirited citizen, for more than 
sixty years his life was closely identified with the development and 
prosperity of Iowa and the West. 

Mr. Dodge was born at Danvers, Massachusetts, on April 12, 1831 ; 
and his early education was received at Dunham Academy, Norwich 
University, and Partridge's Military Academy. At the age of 
twenty he came west, remaining for a time in Illinois; and then in 
1853 he made his first visit to Kanesville (now Council Bluffs) and 
the Missouri River region, where he was to live for more than half a 
century. It was not long after this that he was chosen to lead the 
party of surveyors sent out to find the most feasible route for the 
proposed trans-continental railway. In this capacity he penetrated 
a region almost unknown, going as far as the Rocky Mountains and 
acquiring a valuable store of information concerning the country 
and the Indian tribes. 

The outbreak of the Civil War interrupted this work, and Mr. 
Dodge immediately offered his services to Governor Kirkwood. 
Entering the war as a colonel he rose rapidly in rank, finally attain- 
ing the position of major-general in command of an entire army 
corps. He was one of the commanders most trusted by Grant and 
Sherman. At the close of the war he rendered effective service in 
Indian campaigns in the West. 

Turning then from military life to the work which throughout his 



career lie always considered his greatest achievement, lie once more 
took up Ms interrupted engineering operations. Now, however, he 
was in charge of the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad 
across the plains, succeeding another Iowa man, Mr. Peter A. Dey, 
in this capacity. Overcoming great obstacles the road was finally 
completed in May, 1869. 

General Dodge also helped to build and to manage many other 
railroads west of the Mississippi River. From 1867 to 1869 he rep- 
resented the Fifth Congressional District of Iowa in Congress. 
Honored and respected by the people of Council Bluffs and Iowa, 
his name was well known throughout the Nation, and his advice and 
counsel were often sought by the President of the United States and 
by those in authority in other lands. 


EuTH Augusta Gallahee, Research Librarian in the Li- 
brary of The State Historical Society of Iowa. Born in Illinois 
in 1882. Graduated from the State University of Iowa in 1908. 
History teacher in the Independence High School, 1908-1910. 
Principal of the High School at Shoshone, Idaho, 1910-1913. 
Assistant in the department of history of the State University 
of Iowa, 1913-1914. 

John Ely Beiggs, Research Assistant in The State His- 
torical Society of Iowa. (See The Iowa Journal op History 
AND Politics for July, 1915, p. 471.) 

Jacob Van deb Zee, Assistant Professor of Political Science 
in the State University of Iowa. (See The lovvrA Journal of 
History and Politics for January, 1912, p 142.) 



INOOSPOBATSO: 1867 am» 1892 
LooATio AT Iowa Gitt Iowa 

F. H. LEE 

JAMES W. GKIMES, First President 





PAUL A. KOBAB Teeasoeeb 

, , Sbcbetaet 

Elected hy the Society Appointed by the Governor 

J. W, ElOH HsKBT G. Walker Maesh W. Bailey Byeon W. Nbwbbeey 

Edclid Sandess HiaJEY Albeet M. P. Edwaeds A. C. Savage 


Makvin H. Dsy Chables M. Dutches John T. Moffit W. H. Tedpoed 

Geo. B. Gbieb J. B. Weavee 


Any person may become a member of The State Histobioal Society of 
Iowa upon election by the Board of Curators and the payment of an entrance fee 
of $3.00. 

Membership in tiiis Society may be retained after the first year npoa the 
payment of $3.00 annnally. 

Members of the Society shaU be entitled to receive the quarterly and all other 
publications of the Society during the continuance of their membership. 

Address all Gommunicaiions to 
The State Historical, Society Iowa City Iowa 


Iowa Journal 


APRIL 1916 

Published Quarterly by 


lowet City lowev 

latani PiWMtig M 1*M »t lotra Oitr lows u Mcood-«laM m«ti«r imd«r tei vt Oonsr«M ai Jvty 10 1*04 

Assistant Editor, DAN E. OLAEK 

Vol XIV APRIL 1916 No 2 


The Romance in Iowa Histoiy . . Thomas Teakle 

The Indian Agent in the United States Since 1850 

R.UTH A. Gallahee 


The Career of Samuel R. Thurston in Iowa and Oregon 

Hiram F. White 


A Western Demand for Internal Improvements 


borne rablications 



Western Americana ...... 




Historical Societies 


Notes and Comment 




Copyright 1916 hy The State Sistorical Society of Iowa 



U b b C R I e T 1 N 1' a I c t : $ a . y i N fi l ii a [; a, u t k : 5 U i. y ^ i - 

Addreas all ^Oitnaiunicat ions tu 
Tu£ State Histobioal Socutt Iowa Cut 



VOL. XIV — 11 


Only a brief time ago an Iowa expatriate, paraphrasing 
the famous expression of Cavour concerning disunited Italy, 
remarked that Iowa, historically, is but a geographical ex- 
pression. It may be true that Iowa has not been the scene 
of any great battle like that at Gettysburg, that her tradi- 
tions have not been built around a Mount Vernon or a Mon- 
ticello, and that her highways have not been invested with 
the glamour of an El Camino Eeal. And yet, Iowa has not 
been lacking in fields of valor, in shrines of adoration, or in 
highways of romance. Within the brief span of the re- 
corded history of this State may be found any number of in- 
cidents worthy the pen of the most talented author. 

Not appreciating the element of romance in the history of 
their native or adopted State, most of the writers claiming 
Iowa as the place of their birth or early training have stead- 
fastly turned to other fields in search of suitable themes or 
settings. They have prospected in the gold regions of Cal- 
ifornia or Alaska, while passing unnoted the romantic his- 
tory of our own lead mines once widely known as the "Mines 
of Spain". Still others have sought the barren plains or 
rocky foothill regions of the further West in search of thrill- 
ing Indian encounters. In so doing they have left untouched 
the life and death struggles for mastery waged for genera- 
tions upon Iowa soil, where there surged back and forth an 
unrelenting struggle between the Indians of the Sioux and 
the Sac and Fox nations. Others have gone to the far east- 
ern sections of our country in search of a suitable atmos- 
phere for tales of boarding-school or academic life. Thus 
have been neglected such pioneer Iowa schools as Denmark 



Academy which for years was as a rock in the desert to those 
seeking relief from the intellectual barrenness of frontier 
life. Certainly Iowa history is not fully appreciated or our 
writers would not have wandered so far in quest of mate- 

Myth and tradition have been called the primal bases of 
history; but one need not go to ancient Greece or Rome to 
find them. About the Iowa country cluster innumerable 
legends of the Indian tribes that at various times dwelt with- 
in its borders. In the beautiful legend of Minnewaukon, for 
instance, may be found a theme not less interesting than the 
story of Ellen of the Isle. Akin in its capabilities of roman- 
tic rendition is the legend reciting the origin of maize. In 
this legend we are told that maize was early bestowed as a 
sacred gift upon the Indians of the Sac and Fox tribes. For 
centuries, it is said, the region of eastern Iowa was the scene 
of its timely and mysterious bestowal. This myth may, in 
large measure, account for the tenacity with which these 
peoples clung to the Iowa country as their home. 

Again, there is the story of Mascoutin, the ' ' Isle of Fire ' ', 
which stood in the superstitious Indian mind as the visible 
evidence of the Great Spirit 's wrath. To-day it still bears a 
name indicative of its legendary past. What scenes were 
enacted here in the presence of ''this magnificent and ter- 
rible spectacle" of the Creator's power, when periodic fires 
swept across the island consuming all vegetation, none but 
a romancer's mind may conjure up. None but a true artist 
could visualize such scenes as here oftentimes cowed the In- 
dian hosts of the Upper Mississippi. Hard by, we are told, 
lived a great medicine man who kept the sun, moon, stars, 
and fire shut up in a box. A raven, long the guardian genius 
of the tribe, caused itself by enchantment to be transformed 
into human shape, and as such became a great favorite with 


the old Indian magician. He was denied nothing. One 
day upon asking to examine the precious box it was given to 
him, the lid was soon pried open by over-curious fingers, and 
the heavenly bodies at once assumed their proper places in 
the firmament. The thoroughly frightened raven, taking 
again his birdlike form, snatched a coal of fire and brought 
it home as a peace-offering to his tribal ward. Thus was 
brought to earth that priceless boon to man, that invaluable 
possession of the Great Spirit — Fire. 

With what reverential fear and awe must the Dakota war- 
rior have ever looked upon Pilot Rock. Riven in twain by 
the hand of the Great Spirit it long stood as the symbol of 
barbarian adoration in the valley of the Little Sioux and 
there it still remains — a reminder of a vanished race. 
Even more weird and fantastic are the traditions that en- 
velop the Painted Rocks of the White Breast Fork of the 
Des Moines River. Tinted with the brush of the Master 
Artist in glowing colors, barbarian curiosity never ceased to 
speculate upon their beauties and meaning. 

Ages ago, tradition tells us, Iowa boasted a culture which 
had passed away perhaps centuries before the coming of the 
white man. To-day, on Tomahawk Island near Eddyville 
and at various localities along the Mississippi and confluent 
streams one may pause and dream of a past civilization 
which is still as much of a riddle as that of the Sphinx. One 
may still find in many localities in the State constant re- 
minders of a paleolithic or neolithic age to which legend 
is our strongest tie. Lacking a better name we call the 
people who developed this culture "mound builders". 
Tradition gives them a fascinating history, but anthropol- 
ogy still speculates as to who they were. 

When visiting the museum of the Davenport Academy of 
Sciences, rich in its memorials of the stone age in Iowa and 
adjacent States, one can but wonder why Iowa's anthropol- 


ogists journey to far-away Arizona, Yucatan, and Peru, 
seeking to unravel there the mysteries of the past, when 
here at home is a romantic past fully as interesting in the 
possibilities of its revelation, though not so stupendous in 
its material remains, as can be found elsewhere in the west- 
ern world. Here, waiting the touch of a master hand, is a 
wealth of material capable of imaginative development. 

Since the beginning of recorded history, at least, the 
friendship of man for man has been a potent factor in shap- 
ing the social and political trend of the world. Well-known 
is the Biblical story of the friendship of David and Jon- 
athan. Classic times offer its counterpart in the pledged 
sacrifice of Damon and Pythias. Equally dramatic, in the 
annals of early Iowa, was the more than brotherly devotion 
of the Kettle Chief for Julien Dubuque. Not even death 
could part this red man and his white companion, for it was 
the Kettle Chief's frequently expressed wish that he should 
lie in death by the side of his friend. And thus they lay 
until a day when a community, inconsiderate of the ancient 
friendship, erected a tribute shaft to the memory of Julien 
Dubuque and left unmarked the grave of his loyal and de- 
voted savage brother. Even stronger in the fervor of its 
mutual devotion and sacrifice was the friendship of Chief 
"Wapello and Agent Joseph M. Street. A visitor to the old 
burial-ground at Agency City may yet see their graves side 
by side. 

Another man's devotion to the cause he loved made it 
possible for Iowa's Territorial capitol building at Iowa City 
to stand to-day as a model of the classical style of architec- 
ture. The storms of three-quarters of a century have only 
served to accentuate its beauty. It still remains as a memo- 
rial of a brilliant Milanese mind — that of Father Mazzu- 


chelli, Dominican monk, priest, missionary, architect, and 
educator. Unassuming and faithful he served in the ' ' fever- 
haunted wigwam, the crowded pest-house, in the mine or on 
the river" and died alone, deserted and unshrived. Of him 
it has been said that *'he was of gentle birth, delicate, sim- 
ple, democratic, loving, confidential, mild-mannered, a sec- 
ond St. Francis of Assisi in the Mississippi Valley". 

Scarcely less romantic is the story of the brilliant archi- 
tect of the beautiful capitol building at Des Moines. Nur- 
tured beneath the sunny skies of France and trained in its 
schools of art and design, Picquenard early espoused the 
cause of spiritual and intellectual freedom and became a 
prophet of the nineteenth century renaissance. Protesting 
vehemently against the social abuses of his day he fell into 
disfavor. An ungrateful and despotic government forced 
him into a voluntary exile from the land of his childhood 
which he loved so well. Turning to America as a haven of 
refuge from the social and political storms of the Old World, 
he cast his lot with his fellow-countrymen of Icaria. Rap- 
idly he rose to favor and fame as an architect of the first 
rank. He has long since gone to his rest, but as enduring 
monuments to his genius stand the capitol buildings in 
Springfield, Illinois, and in Des Moines, Iowa. 

To only a few characters has it been granted to fill a ro- 
mantic niche in history. Such an one was the noted Indian 
leader. Black Hawk, whose troubled career was as full of 
interest as was that of any old-world hero. He was sage, 
philosopher, and patriot, as well as a polished orator, a true 
prophet, and a redoubtable warrior. Harassed by the on- 
ward march of a civilization which he could not understand, 
he yet firmly stood his ground. Tortured in soul by the 
treason of fellow-tribesmen and the westward extension of 
the frontier, who can fathom his agony of mind when he 


came, as was his daily wont, to look westward across the 
Great River toward the setting sun, from the watch tower of 
Ms fathers? Forced by the strategy of a merciless, superior 
culture to abandon the beautiful and charming valley of his 
ancestors, he reluctantly retired to the appointed reserve 
on the banks of the lower Des Moines. Deposed, broken in 
spirit, and deserted by most of the members of his tribe, his 
few remaining years were spent as a recluse. Here, on Oc- 
tober 3, 1838, passed away one of the greatest military com- 
manders and strategists the red race has produced. Little 
wonder is it that as his life drew to its close he should have 
complained: "What do we know of the manners and cus- 
toms of the white people? They might buy our bodies for 
dissection, and we would touch the goose-quill to confirm it, 
and not know what we were doing. This was the case with 
me and my people in touching the goose-quill the first time. " 

Eons ago Iowa lay at the bottom of a broad, shallow sea 
in a sub-tropical clime. Upon this sea-bottom grew a rich 
crinoidal life of "wondrous beauty" and "rare delicacy". 
Carpeting the ocean depths with a lavish yet fragile luxuri- 
ance such as the world has seldom if ever seen in any epoch 
these "stone lilies" or "feather stars" slowly swayed back 
and forth in response to the motion of the ocean waves. 
Changes came and the waters of this great interior sea re- 
ceded. Centuries passed away and the fauna of diluvian 
times became the "stone lilies" of a later age. 

In this more recent day came Charles Wachsmuth. Brok- 
en in health, he was forced to forego his life's ambitions at 
the early age of fourteen. With a courageous heart he for- 
sook his native German land and boyhood aspirations and 
came to America where, he was told, his physical vigor 
might be regained. Advised to seek out-door exercise he 
turned to the investigation of fossil marine life in the lime- 


stone deposits of southeastern Iowa, making his home at 
Burlington. He labored indefatigably and enthusiastically 
in quarry and ravine. The world of science learned to know 
and appreciate him, while lavishing academic honors with- 
out stint upon him. Later he was joined by Frank Springer 
who, like himself, had learned to read in Nature's all but 
closed book the story of by-gone ages. In collaboration 
these enthusiastic workers produced what has been called 
*'the grandest scientific and philosophic offspring ever con- 
ceived in Iowa". Yet it has been said that "a distant state 
less slow to perceive the spark of genius" snatched from 
Iowa ' ' the one great honor of a century ' '. Thus while Iowa 
was engaged in material development the appreciation and 
enterprise of the State of Massachusetts gave to the world 
of science the most remarkable and monumental work on 
American crinoids ever written. 

But the history of Iowa has not been illumined alone by 
the romance of legend and the achievements of individual 
lives. The story of the years that are gone has been largely 
tinctured with commercial and industrial romance. Thirty 
years ago the traveler bound east or west, in crossing the 
great Father of Waters at Clinton, would have seen piles of 
sawed timbers covering the entire river front, while banks 
of logs lay inside their booms for miles and miles along the 
shores. To-day this picture is a mere memory. Here or 
there may be seen scattered piles of worm-eaten, weather- 
stained lumber — the only suggestion of a time when Clin- 
ton made millionaires, who exacted their tribute from 
the far-away pine forests of Minnesota and Wisconsin. In 
days now long since gone the river swarmed with huge rafts 
manned by turbulent river drivers whose magic touch con- 
trolled the course of acres upon acres of logs. 

The untamed Goths of the river steered their rafts by day, 


but drank and rioted by night in the towns along the stream 
which were theirs by right of physical conquest. But from 
their perilous labors came the fruitage of a later time when 
fine homes began to dot the prairies of Iowa. While the 
river front, not only at Clinton but also at Davenport, Du- 
buque, and Muscatine, was ' ' rife with the scream of rotary 
saws" mechanical changes came and the life made so famil- 
iar by Ealph Connor in his tales of the far northwest re- 
ceded gradually into Iowa 's past and was seen no more. 

Although the soil of Iowa has never been stained with the 
blood of civil strife or foreign invasion since the coming of 
the white man, this region did not escape unscathed during 
the years of border conflict and civil war. It was the part of 
the people of Iowa to witness in a neighboring State the 
bloody prelude of the turmoil in which they were later to 
participate at points far removed from their Iowa homes. 
But there were instances in which the struggle was brought 
closer to their own doors. 

While abolitionist enthusiasm was sweeping across the 
New England and Middle States with all the rancor of the 
impending conflict, Iowa was offering sanctuary to the 
strange and erratic individual whose chimeric plans were 
to stir the nation to its depths and to precipitate more than 
any other one thing, the most terrible civil strife of modern 
days. Sheltered by an Iowa community opposed to war, 
John Brown planned, with the impracticability of a dreamer 
the raid upon Harper's Ferry. Iowa had many times been 
his refuge, whether fleeing from the wrath of Missouri slave- 
drivers or Kansan "border ruflians". Here he recruited his 
little company of odd characters, theorists and idealists, 
who regarded their leader as a being inspired. From Iowa 
they went upon their ill-fated mission. To Iowa the few 
survivors returned, fleeing the wrath of an aroused South. 


No wilder dream has ever been embodied in romantic fiction 
than this venture of John Brown and his devoted followers. 

To the forests fringing the streams of southern Iowa came 
the ''Copperheads" of Missouri during the ensuing period 
of internecine civil war. Despised for their convictions and 
treacherous undermining of Unionist loyalty, they remained 
a constant target for vituperative attack. Refusing their 
moral support to the North they also denied their physical 
assistance to the South; and thus they remained a source of 
constant irritation. A spark only was needed to produce an 

In the valley of Shekagua or Skunk Eiver in Keokuk 
County had settled such a band. Heavily armed at all times 
they assumed toward their unsympathetic Northern neigh- 
bors a hostile and menacing attitude. In return the Union- 
ists about them were ever on the alert to detect any overt 
act of disloyalty. Each side, as it were, stood at bay. The 
crisis came when a Unionist Republican meeting was called 
to be held at South English. The "Copperhead" element 
responded by calling a meeting of their supporters at a place 
near by. Upon the day appointed, August 1, 1863, the ' ' Cop- 
perhead" or "Grolden Circle" party moved north across 
Keokuk County to the designated rendezvous near the Eng- 
lish River. A more beautiful midsummer day than this had 
never dawned upon the quiet and self-complacent commu- 
nity of South English. The drowsy little village became 
upon this day the "Lexington" of the forces opposed to 
"Copperheadism" in Iowa. Answering the call to personal 
defense, the rustic community, so heedless of distant storms, 
became at once a seething cauldron of loyalist wrath in the 
presence of nearby peril. No border skirmish was ever 
more dramatically staged and fought than was that of the 
attack of Iowa's loyal sons upon the Tally Band. In a very 
short time the little old tavern of the village became the 


storm center of the gallant and patriotic villagers' wrath, 
while the blood of southern sympathizers was made to flow 
as a long delayed expiation for wrongs committed. Many 
events immortalized on the pages of European and Amer- 
ican history are less worthy of commemoration than is this 
episode known as "The Skunk Eiver War". 

The desire to gain religious, political or economic freedom 
has always been a dominant motive among human beings. 
In obedience to this impulse man has made frequent pilgrim- 
ages to remote and relatively unknown lands. Answering 
its call Abraham moved out from Ur of the Chaldees, the 
nomadic Asiatic barbarians overran and devastated Europe, 
and Columbus discovered America. Its never-ceasing de- 
mands have sent peoples north, east, south, and west, gird- 
ling and re-girdling the globe. Thus it happened that Iowa 
at various times became a haven and an asylum for perse- 
cuted peoples. Much of the romance of Iowa history clus- 
ters about the singular religious, economic, and political 
communities which at different times sought homes in this 

More than sixty years ago a strange cavalcade might have 
been seen wending its toilsome way across the prairies of 
Iowa. Hundreds of religious enthusiasts were making a pil- 
grimage to their new land of promise in the Far West. 
Braving hunger, storm, and the perils of the plains, 
nearly every member of the party pushed before him a little 
hand cart containing all of his worldly goods. Willingly 
each individual trudged on in order to reach his goal — the 
beautiful and to him heavenly valley of Utah. Hundreds 
perished, hundreds gave up in sheer despair, while other 
thousands reached the hoped-for goal. Preceding them by 
only a brief interval, Brigham Young and the faithful mem- 
bers of the parent community fled across Iowa from Nauvoo 


to Kanesville (now Council Bluffs), leaving behind them a 
well-marked trail which later guided thousands of other emi- 
grants on the long journey to Oregon or California. 

Nearly coincident with the flight of the Mormons across 
Iowa was the arrival of other groups of people seeking re- 
lease from the religious and economic tyranny of revolution- 
ary Europe. Revolting against oppression in the home land, 
these people came from socially disturbed France, from re- 
ligiously torn Germany, and from politically unsettled Hun- 

Devoutly believing that the day of revelation had not 
passed away, and that the social unrest of the period was 
directly traceable to the avarice of man, a little community 
of kindred souls had grown up in Germany in an effort to 
combat the evil tendencies of the times. Buffeted by more 
than a century of social and religious conflict, its members 
finally fled from the land of their nativity. As the English 
pilgrims turned from Leyden in Holland to the untried re- 
gions of the New World, so the Inspirationists turned to 
America as a refuge. From the quiet and simple existence 
of the Old World peasant or villager they turned to a life of 
trial and hardship on the American plains. Willingly they 
took up the new burden, confident they would not find it too 
heavy to bear. Settling first in New York, after a short 
time they found conditions in that locality unsuited for the 
realization of their religious ideal. From thence they jour- 
neyed to Iowa, and here they are to-day — a bit of eight- 
eenth century German life in the midst of twentieth century 
Iowa. At the Amana colonies may be seen a unique people, 
freed from the cares of the world, simple and faithful in 
ideals, unspoiled, industrious and noteworthy as the only 
truly successful and self-sufficing communistic society in the 
United States. Still to a considerable extent isolated from 
the distracting tendencies of the day, these True Inspira- 


tionists pursue the even tenor of their ways — a devout and 
industrious folk. 

Less happy, because of the ultimate failure to realize its 
ideal of social reform, was the Community of Icaria. 
Founded during a period of social and political chaos in 
France, the strangeness of its moral precepts earned the 
displeasure of the "Citizen King", Louis Philippe. Seek- 
ing to escape the cruelty of opulence, as well as the ' ' grape- 
shot and ruin" incident to the tyranny of an intemperate 
time, these pilgrims of a later day likewise fled from their 
native land. Chance carried them to Texas. Following a 
period of almost untold privation they removed to Missouri. 
Finding conditions here unsuited for the furtherance of 
their social projects they passed on to the "dead city" of 
Nauvoo. Well received at first, the strangeness of their 
teachings quickly aroused antipathy; and once again they 
assumed the burden of another and, for most of them, a final 
pilgrimage. At Corning, Iowa, they at last found rest and 
liberty to realize their ideals. But the community's life 
was stormy, for its social principles were untrue to the best 
in man and its ranks were rent again and again by the 
storms of divisive strife. Failing to preserve harmony of 
communistic endeavor, the members at last resolved upon 
dissolution. Thus in 1896 in Adams County "expired the 
last dying embers of one of the greatest and most unusual 
socialistic enterprises the world has ever known." 

Probably no people in Europe, ancient or modern, have 
had a more glorious and thrilling story than have those folk 
who, in Caesar 's time, were known as the Nervii. Undaunt- 
ed, they contended with the legions of Caesar upon the one 
hand and with the barbarian hordes from the east upon the 
other ; and emerged from the unequal combat unconquered. 
Although trampled under the feet of advancing foemen 
again and again, they have never been subdued in spirit. 


Each time they have risen and, gathering strength from 
every crushing blow, have stubbornly resisted bruising 
by the tyrant's heel. To them these unequal contests have 
ever been as threads woven in to give the cloth" of their 
lives the needed ' ' color and strength ' '. Their little land has 
always been the home of liberty and independence of 
thought and action. Charlemagne, the conqueror of more 
than fifty peoples, declared them free "as long as the wind 
blows and the world stands." Untouched by the levelling 
influence of mediaeval church thought and the horrors of the 
Inquisition, as well as by the bloody terrorism of the Duke 
of Alva, they emerged into modern times with the same 
ideals as of old, still offering sanctuary to free political and 
religious thought. Still free, the nineteenth century found 
them unaffected by the menacing fury of the revolutionary 
tempests. But a day not so happy soon dawned. Church 
and State became as one — an apparent expedient of abso- 
lutism unsuited to the ideals of this people, among whom 
the shibboleth of Church and State separatism found a rich 
soil in which to grow. Unreconciled to the new conditions 
and perceiving no immediate opportunity for betterment in 
Old World tendencies, the party of discontent resolved upon 
migration. They, like their fellow-sufferers of Icaria and 
Amana, came to America; and some of them found their 
way to Iowa during the middle years of the past century. 
Thus Pella was established and settled by the freedom- 
loving Holland separatists. Here they, like their French 
and German contemporaries, have found the needed free- 
dom to solve their destiny as they see the problem; and 
to-day their quiet and even lives speak well for the romantic 
endeavors of the past. 

But Iowa has not lured the social and religious enthusiast 
alone. The religious ascetic, with all the severe austerity of 


his self-denial, has found in Iowa an atmosphere admirably 
adapted to the performance of his mediaeval penance. 
While Europe was sinking into the black night of political 
disruption preceding the dawn of present-day liberalism, the 
Monks of the Silent Brotherhood were seeking in America 
that peace of soul so essential to the practice of the tenets of 
their faith. Thus their messenger, in search of physical and 
spiritual peace, came to Iowa. Near Dubuque he found his 
ideal — a spot sequestered and far removed from scenes of 
conflict. Here came the disciples of his ascetic faith. They 
remain to-day, unruffled and untouched, while political, so- 
cial, and economic conflicts agitate the people of the outer 
world. Pledged to perpetual silence, to unremitting phys- 
ical toil, and to intensive religious devotion, they quietly 
labor on day after day and year after year. No one may 
know the stories of tragedy and romance which are here 
concealed from the knowledge of the world. 

Thus, although the events of Iowa history may seem to 
have been relatively unimportant in the annals of the nation 
as viewed by the casual and superficial observer, it may 
readily be seen that one need not go beyond the bounds of 
the State to find abundant materials for romance. Only a 
few of the many dramatic incidents and features of Iowa 
history have been touched upon. There are scores of other 
episodes equally worthy of being transformed by the touch 
of a master hand into a series of fascinating stories of Iowa 

Thomas Teakle 

Des Moines Iowa 

SINCE 1850 

[This is the second in a series of articles on the Indian agent, written by Miss 
Gallaher, the first of which appeared in The Iowa Journal of History and 
Politics for January, 1916. The two remaining articles will be devoted entirely 
to the Indian agents in Iowa. — Editor] 


The transfer of the Indian Office to the Department of the 
Interior in 1849 did not result in any radical change in the 
administration of Indian affairs. An act approved on Feb- 
ruary 27, 1851, abolished the old superintendencies east of 
the Rocky Mountains and established three new ones, the 
superintendents of which were to receive $2000 a year. All 
treaties with the Indians were to be made by officers and 
agents without extra pay. In place of the twenty-three 
agents and sub-agents east of the Rocky Mountains and 
north of Texas and New Mexico, the President might ap- 
point eleven agents, at annual salaries of $1500, and six 
agents who were to receive $1000 a year. Four agents were 
assigned to New Mexico and one to Utah. The pay of inter- 
preters in California, Utah, Oregon, and New Mexico was 
increased to $500 a year and of those in other localities to 
$400; while special agents sent to deliver annuities in the 
older States were to receive four dollars a day and ex- 

The change in the authority over Indian affairs occurred 
just at the time of the addition of territory to the United 
States as a result of the Mexican "War and in the same year 
that the rush to the gold fields of California began. Indeed, 

1 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, pp. 586, 587. 
VOL. XIV — 12 


a new era had begun, both for the United States and for 
the Indians. Before this time the natives had maintained 
an almost unbroken, if irregular, line against the advance 
of the white settlers ; henceforth, they were surrounded by 
settlements — their country being divided and sub-divided 
by the highways of emigration. 

The Indians were collected either by persuasion or by 
force on the rapidly diminishing reservations, where it was 
necessary that they should be fed and clothed by the govern- 
ment. The rapidity of this movement was phenomenal and 
there was a corresponding increase in the number of Indian 
agents and in the amount of money and goods which they 
handled. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Greorge W. 
Manypenny, reported in 1856 that fifty-two treaties had 
been made with Indian tribes since March 4, 1853, and that 
the jurisdiction of Indian agents had been extended over 
an additional area of from four to six thousand square 
miles. This increase made necessary the creation of thir- 
teen new agencies and nine sub-agencies.^ 

Some of these districts to which an agent was assigned 
were of great size. Thomas S. Twiss, Indian agent for 
the Upper Platte, reported in 1856 that his territory ex- 
tended approximately from the one hundredth to the one 
hundred and seventh degree of longitude and from the thir- 
ty-ninth to the forty-fourth parallel of latitude. This 
agency was about three hundred and fifty miles square and 
contained about 122,500 square miles — an area equal to 
that of the New England States, New York, and New Jersey 
combined. Most of the territory, however, was unproduc- 
tive, except when irrigated, and contained a population of 
only one person to every twenty-five square miles. The 
whites consisted of about one hundred traders and employ- 
ees, and about four hundred troops at the military posts at 

2 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1856, p. 20. 



the crossing of the North Platte and at Fort Laramie, Agent 
Twiss, in common with most of the men who were respon- 
sible for the care of the Indians, complained of the character 
of the whites who resided among the tribesmen. In his 
estimation they were not ''the pioneers of civilization or 
settlements, but emphatically fugitives from both."^ This 
agency had neither schools, missionaries, nor such industrial 
assistants as farmers and blacksmiths. From his head- 
quarters at Drips 's Trading Post, the agent supervised 
the wandering bands of Indians, delivered the goods given 
to them, and attempted to keep them at peace with their 
neighbors and with the United States government; but 
there was no means of enforcing his suggestions except by 
the use of troops. On account of the extent of territory 
Agent Twiss recommended the establishment of four cen- 
ters where the Indians might be collected for the distribu- 
tion of annuities, for trade, and for education. These cen- 
ters — each of which was to consist of an agency building, a 
farm, and a trading-post — were to be located as follows : 
for the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, on Cache la Poudre Eiv- 
er, near St. Vrain's fort on the South Fork of the Platte; 
for the Oglala Sioux, at the fork of Horse and Bear Creeks, 
forty-five miles southeast of Fort Laramie; for the Brule 
Sioux, at the head of White River; and for the Crow and 
Snake tribes and the upper band of the Minnecoujoux, at 
the bridge crossing the North Platte, near the mouth of the 
Sweetwater. He also recommended that Indian traders 
should be encouraged to farm, believing that their example 
would be more powerful among their Indian customers than 
the instructions of the paid farmers.* 

The vast amount of money required for the operation of 

3 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1856, pp. 88, 94, 96. 

4 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1856, pp. 97, 98. 


the Indian Department now began to attract the attention 
of Congress and the country at large. An act of March 3, 
1853, made the taking of a receipt for a larger amount than 
had been paid out an embezzlement;^ but conviction was 
difficult, since the agents were located where they did not 
come under the direct supervision of the government and 
among people whose testimony could not be relied upon. 
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs reported in 1856 that 
claims for large sums of money had been made against the 
government on drafts drawn by California agents and sub- 
agents. These were supposed to have been issued in return 
for beef and flour, and Congress had already appropriated 
$242,036.25 for one lot of these drafts which were all without 
legal authority. Moreover, there was no satisfactory evi- 
dence that the supplies had ever been issued to the Indians.^ 
Senator Crittenden of Kentucky asserted that the appro- 
priation for this department alone, for the year 1857-1858, 
was equal to the amount required for all the expenses of the 
government during Washington's administration; while 
Senator Bell of Tennessee pointed out that the appropria- 
tion for that year called for $700,000 for Indian affairs in 
Washington and Oregon alone, exclusive of the regular 
salaries and annuities, and this did not include any of the 
expenses of military operations. What became of all this 
money? Senator Houston declared during this same de- 
bate that out of $110,000,000 or $115,000,000 appropriated 
for the Indians since 1789, the Indians themselves had 
never received more than $20,000,000 worth of advantages.''^ 
An attempt was made to prevent dishonesty in the dis- 
tribution of annuities by providing that the superintendents 
should perform this duty, since it was argued that the agent 

B United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, p. 239. 

« Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1856, p. 20. 

7 Congressional Globe, 3rd Sess., 34tli Congress, 1856-1857, pp. 483, 489, 533. 



was often alone and there were no witnesses, except the 
Indians and the traders, none of whom could be relied upon. 
Senator Houston's answer to this proposition was: "If it 
is necessary to have a superintendent to guard the conduct 
of the agent, it is necessary to dismiss that agent, and send 
a man who requires no guardian to conserve his integrity. ' ' 
He also argued that this plan would not prevent all op- 
portunities for graft; and he explained one common form 
of cheating the Indians. The agents did not draw the an- 
nuity money from the treasury but gave the Indians cer- 
tificates, which they quickly squandered in trade for only 
a small part of their value, greatly to the profit of the trad- 
ers and residents at the agency.^ 

The agent of that time was contrasted rather unfavorably 
with the agent of former times in a speech by this same Sen- 
ator. "In former times, when I was a boy", he said, "I 
recollect the character of the agents whom you sent among 
the Indians. They were men who stood deservedly high. 
The man who was then intrusted with the functions of an 
Indian agent, was an honest man. He was not driven there 
as a refuge from home ; he was not placed in his position by 
political or family influence ; he was placed in it on account 
of Ms qualifications for serving the Government with fidel- 
ity, and protecting and vindicating the rights of the Indians 
from imposition." Of the typical agent sent out from the 
East, with avarice as his chief motive, he said: "He views 
the Indian as his victim, and the United States as his pur- 
ser. "^ 

The ideal agent declared Senator Houston, was a man who 
was honest, who had had frontier training, and who was 

8 Congressional Globe, 3rd Sess., 34th Congress, 1856-1857, pp. 474, 475, 533, 

9 Congressional Globe, 3rd Sess., 34tli Congress, 1856-1857, p. 533. 


friendly to the Indians. The difficulty seemed to be that 
such men were hard to find and even when one could be 
found, there was likely to be some political favorite anxious 
to receive the appointment. Men who received their ap- 
pointment through such influence were often failures in the 
East; and it became the custom to play practical jokes on 
new agents of this type because of their ignorance of fron- 
tier conditions. 

One of the agents at this time fulfilled the requirements of 
Senator Houston — at least as far as experience among the 
Indians was concerned. This was Christopher Carson, the 
**Kit" Carson of western romance. He became agent for 
the Apaches and Utes under the superintendent of New 
Mexico in 1854, the year of the adoption of the Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill. Located at Taos, this unlettered guide of the 
western explorers and fur traders struggled with his month- 
ly reports and with the various problems of the Indians — 
the former duty appearing to him much the more formid- 
able. Here he remained at a salary of $1000 a year until 
1861. The residence of the agent was a one-story adobe 
house with a veranda along the front, and his official quar- 
ters were on the south side of the plaza, in " a single room in 
the row of adobes ' '. But the Indians were so sure of their 
agent's friendship that they visited the home as well as the 
office. Part of the time the agency reports were given oral- 
ly at Santa Fe ; part of the time they were written at Car- 
son 's dictation by a young soldier. Smith H. Simpson.^" 
His reports were short and add nothing to the reports of 
other agents : they contained a recommendation that the In- 
dians be segregated and taught industries, and comments on 
the evils of intemperance among the Indians. The incidents 
related were the commonplace events of agency life — an 

lo Sabin's Kit Carson Days, pp. 362, 363, 366, 367, 368. 



occasional murder, a horse-stealing raid, and efforts to com- 
pel restitution.^^ 

Many of the positions in the Indian service were desir- 
able, both on account of the salaries paid and the opportu- 
nities for graft. For example, when the office of Superin- 
tendent of Indian Affairs for California was created in 
1852, the salary was not to exceed $4000, while his clerk 
might receive as much as $2,500. In 1855 an appropriation 
of $12,000 was made for the pay of the three Indian agents 
there ; $28,850 for incidental expenses, including the travel- 
ing expenses of the agents ; $54,300 for the payment of such 
employees as physicians, smiths, and carpenters ; and $125,- 
000 for the removal of the Indians to three military reserva- 
tions.^^ Texas, the adopted child of the United States, 
seems to have received less for the care of the Indian tribes 
within its borders than most of the other western States. 
Senator Rusk declared in 1857 that there were no permanent 
Indian agents in his State (Texas) and that only $15,000 
was appropriated annually for special agents and pres- 
ents. Even in the East during the fifties there seems to 
have been a revival of interest in the Indians, or perhaps it 
was a desire for more offices to fill. At any rate an act 
approved on March 3, 1855, authorized the Secretary of the 
Interior to appoint agents for the Indians in New York, for 
an agency at Green Bay, and for the Seminoles, fixing their 
salaries at $1000 each.^* 

One of the rather remarkable features of Indian adminis- 
tration was the comparative safety of these government 
agents. This was due unquestionably to the knowledge 

11 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1857, pp. 279, 280. 

12 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, pp. 2, 3, 675, 698. 

13 Congressional Globe, Srd Sess., 34th Congress, 1856-1857, p. 482. ' 
1* United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, p. 687. 


that any harm to the agent would be followed by swift retri- 
bution ; but even hostile bands, already under the displeas- 
ure of the government, seem not to have tried to harm the 
agents. Oftentimes these men lived on the reservations 
without any other white men near them, and their families 
often accompanied them; yet even in the absence of the 
agent, his wife and children were unmolested. Occasionally 
there was an exception to this rule. A Washington agent, 
who had been sent to investigate a charge of murder, was 
killed by the tribe to which the murderers belonged, and his 
body and that of his horse were burned.^^ But as a rule, 
even when the agent was unpopular and was accused of 
unnecessary severity to the Indians, as in the case of the 
Umatilla agent, William H. Barnhart, the Indians did not 
attempt to obtain revenge by assassination. 

The period of the Civil War was marked by general dis- 
content among the Indians, by uprisings against the white 
settlers, and by hostility between tribes or divisions of 
tribes. Uncivilized and hostile bands moved restlessly 
about on the northwestern frontier and threatened to 
avenge their real or fancied wrongs by massacres of the 
whites. In spite of this attitude on the part of the Indians 
and amid the responsibilities of the War, Congress found 
time to pass new laws concerning Indian affairs. An 
act of February 13, 1862, emphasized the duty of the agents 
and officers to seize liquor in the Indian country and pro- 
vided a penalty of two years imprisonment for anyone found 
guilty of violating the liquor exclusion law. During the 
following July another act was passed providing for the 
division of California into a northern and southern super- 
intendency, the superintendents of which were to receive 
$3,000 each. No goods were to be purchased by the depart- 
ment or its agents except upon the written requisition of 

15 Congressional Glole, 3rd Sess., 34th Congress, 1856-1857, p. 388. 



the superintendents and after public bids such as were re- 
quired for other supplies. An appropriation in this act in- 
cluded $18,970.07 to cover the amount due to the Otoes 
and Missouris, which had been unaccounted for by the late 
agent, W. W. Dennison. A number of employees were pro- 
vided for in addition to the agent and interpreter. The 
Walla Walla agency, for example, was to employ a superin- 
tendent of farming, one farmer, two millers, a blacksmith, 
a wagon and plough maker, a carpenter, a physician, and 
two teachers. The sum of $11,200 was granted for their 
services.^ ^ 

An account of conditions on a far western Indian res- 
ervation at this time is to be found in Davenport's Recol- 
lections of an Indian Agent According to this memoir, 
the former agent, W. H. Barnhart, had been accused of 
fraud and of killing an Indian without sufficient reason. 
Consequently the writer, T. W. Davenport, was sent to take 
charge as special Indian agent. William H. Rector, the 
superintendent for Oregon, gave him brief instructions — 
including a recommendation that, if possible, he appoint as 
teacher a man named Pinto who had moved to the agency 
with a large family, having been promised a position by 
several prominent politicians. 

Upon his arrival at the Umatilla agency in northeastern 
Oregon, Mr. Davenport presented his credentials to the 
former agent and took possession. He found Mr. Barn- 
hart's brother acting as farmer at a salary of $1000. One 
of the employees who appeared on the reports as a teacher 
at a salary of $1000 was acting as the agent's secretary, no 
school having been established. This private secretary 

16 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XII, pp. 339, 524, 529. 
i'' Davenport 's Becollections of an Indian Agent in The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 1-41, 95-128, 231-264. 


whose name was Matty Davenport remarked on leaving that 
the position of agent was' easily worth $4000 a year and 
that he could show the new agent how to make it yield that 
amount. That this was not an unusual proposition is evi- 
dent from the statement attributed to Horace Greeley, who 
was asked how an Indian agent receiving $1500 a year 
could save $40,000 in four years, and replied : *'It is above 
my arithmetic." Accounts at the agency were indefinite. 
The amounts of such things as grain and medicine could 
only be estimated, and but one of the five plows supposed 
to be there could be found. After the new agent had given 
a receipt for the oxen turned over to him by his predecessor, 
some white farmers appeared and proved that the oxen be- 
longed to them. They had been collected from the range 
and presented as government property in the place of the 
agency oxen which could not be produced. The government 
farmer, who was agent Barnhart's brother, left when the 
agency changed hands and his place was given to a man 
who had been working as a field laborer at $35 per month. 
The physician, who might have been retained, refused to 
stay unless his wife were appointed to the position of 
"teacher", left vacant by the departure of Matty Daven- 
port, Barnhart's private secretary; and so another field 
laborer who had had some medical training was made 
agency physician — much to the dissatisfaction of the In- 
dians. The man Pinto, who had arrived at the reservation 
some time before with the promises of some politicians, was 
given the position as teacher, although there was no school. 

At this time most of the Indians were absent from the 
reservation without leave. Their chief wealth consisted in 
horses — one Cayuse millionaire possessing three thousand 
head of ponies. This form of property was so satisfactory 
to the Indians that they resisted all efforts to educate them 
as farmers. 



The agency proper consisted of two log houses, half a 
dozen log huts, an open shed for machinery, a council house, 
carpenter's and blacksmiths' shops, and a farm of about one 
hundred acres, worked largely by white employees. A mill, 
for which $40,000 had been paid, had been erected on the 
Umatilla River several miles distant from the agency. About 
forty miles away was Fort Walla Walla, where a detach- 
ment of troops was stationed. 

One of the first duties of the new agent was the securing 
of bids for furnishing goods for the Indians, but the mer- 
chants of Portland where he went for this purpose, would 
not believe that bids would be treated fairly. They de- 
clared that the agent always bought the goods where he 
wanted to, and refused to submit bids. T. W. Davenport, 
the agent, says of this feature of his duties: ''A person 
coming newly into the office of Indian agent would need 
no other proof of the general rascality of agents than the 
Grovernmental regulations to be observed by them in pur- 
chasing supplies. All sorts of lets and hindrances to dis- 
honesty have been adopted, publications, contracts, certifi- 
cates, vouchers, oaths before judicial officers ; but they have 
been of slight avail in preventing frauds. "^^ 

An interesting side light on the relations between the civil 
agents and the military officers is also given in this memoir. 
Two drunken Indians had robbed and wounded a miner, who 
reported the act to Colonel Steinberger at Fort Walla Walla 
and this officer sent some soldiers to arrest the culprits. 
When they could not be found, the soldiers arrested a chief, 
claiming that he had enabled the accused Indians to escape. 
He was taken to the fort and sentenced to be hanged on the 
following Friday; although the justice of such a punish- 
ment is not apparent, since the miner was not badly injured, 

18 Davenport 's Recollections of an Indian Agent in The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 18. 


and the chief was not the one charged with the crime. When 
the agent, who had been absent, learned what had occurred 
he drove to the fort and, according to his story, convinced 
the officer of the chief's innocence and secured his release. 
The two guilty Indians were later arrested by the agent and 
sent to the fort where they were hanged — as he claimed — 
without a trial. 

Mr. Davenport remained here as agent until 1863, serving 
less than a year and was succeeded by William H. Barn- 
hart, the former agent. The report made by him in 1865 
is accompanied by one signed M. Davenport as teacher, al- 
though the report shows that there was neither a suitable 
building for a school nor any children who would attend. 
Evidently Agent Barnhart's former private secretary had 
returned.^" Nearly twenty years later an attempt was made 
to recover $115.75 from the bond of Mr. Barnhart, since this 
amount had remained unaccounted for by him. The Circuit 
Court of the United States decided on an appeal that the 
bond, which had been made out for W. H. Barnhart as agent 
in Washington, did not cover any deficiency in Oregon, al- 
though the location of the agency had not been changed.^^ 

Other details of the methods of agents and the features 
of agency life are to be found in the report of the Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs for 1865. According to this ac- 
count it had become the custom for retiring agents to take 
all the papers and records of the agency away with them. 
Many of them had also been interested financially in the 
Indian trade through traders' licenses, which they had the 
authority to issue. The Commissioner asked that this prac- 
tice be made a penal offence. The assignment of agents 

19 Davenport 's Eecollections of an Indian Agent in The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 24^35. 

20 Eeport of the Commissioner of Indi-an Affairs, 1865, p. 490. 

21 United States vs. Barnhart, 17 Federal Eeporter, 579-582. 



was in great confusion, owing to the division of Territories 
and the formation of new ones. Two of the agents who had 
been provided for the Territory of Washington were then 
in Idaho and Montana. One of the agents appointed for 
Idaho was in Montana in charge of the Flathead Indians, 
whose agent was paid out of the appropriation for the 
"Washington superintendency. Only three of the agents 
from New Mexico reported ; probably, as the Commissioner 
explains, because they were unable to read or write English. 
This report also mentions one of the few instances in which 
an agent opposed a missionary — at least openly. Agent 
Davis at Green Bay reported that he had been obliged to 
order the Catholic priest from the reservation, because he 
insisted on holding public funerals for his converts who had 
died of small-pox.22 

A condition similar to that at the Umatilla Agency was 
reported at the Crow Creek Agency in Dakota Territory by 
Mr. J. W. Stone. On taking charge he found seventeen 
wagons, two cows as draft animals, a dilapidated mill, some 
sawed and unsawed timber, a powder magazine in which the 
powder had been ruined by moisture, and some beef spoiling 
in the snow. The office was poorly equipped. A stove and 
desk were needed and there were neither records nor blanks 
upon which to keep them. The agency farm had been partly 
surrounded by a fence — much of which consisted only of 
posts — and contained one hundred and seventy-five acres 
of corn and one and a half acres of potatoes. A school was 
in operation at this agency, with three teachers and two hun- 
dred and ninety-seven children. Here again there was fric- 
tion between the agent and the commander of the military 
force, stationed near by to enforce the laws. The agents had 
gradually developed a system of giving passes to Indians 
who left the reservation, although they had no legal author- 

22 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1865, pp. 1, 2, 4, 19, 437, 438. 


ity for doing so. Major R. H. Rose of Fort Wadsworth 
refused to recognize the right of Agent Stone to give the 
Indians this permission and wrote to him concerning the 
matter, closing with the words: "any of the Indians from 
Fort Thompson or Missouri river found east of the James 
river will be treated as hostile, and I take no prisoners. "^^ 
The officer was basing his claim to the control of these In- 
dians on the understanding that the Indians on the reserva- 
tion were in charge of the agent; off the reservation, they 
were subject to military law. 

Frequently the agents became the champions of the In- 
dians in opposition to the soldiers. After the fearful Sand 
Creek massacre of Cheyenne Indians by troops from Fort 
Lyon under Colonel Chivington in 1864, Samuel G. Colley, 
the agent, protested against it as unjustified ; and the inves- 
tigation proved that he was right. Yet the agents were 
usually unwilling to be without military support and wanted 
troops stationed somewhere near the reservation, although 
they complained of the licentious conduct of the soldiers. 
In 1866 the Oregon superintendent wrote concerning the re- 
moval of the troops from his territory: 

Thus the Coast reservation, on which are four thousand Indians, 
is without a single soldier to enforce police regulations, preserve 
order, or punish offences. This is not only unwise, but it is hazard- 
ous in the extreme. The agent is powerless to control the Indians, 
except by moral suasion, and this they oftentimes will not submit 

The jealousy between the agents and the army ofiScers 
had a deeper foundation, however, than the personal differ- 
ences of the men who happened to be stationed near each 
other. Many people believed that it was a mistake to trans- 

23 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1865, pp. 219-221. 

24 Beport of the Joint Special Committee on the Condition of the Indian 
Tribes, 1867, p. 52; Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1866, p. 79. 



fer the administration of Indian affairs from the War De- 
partment to the Department of the Interior. The chief 
argument of these people, many of whom were friends of 
the Indians, was the graft which had become so prevalent. 
It was not denied that a great deal of dishonesty existed, 
and it is not strange that it was so. The majority of the 
minor officials were appointed solely for political reasons 
and the ''Spoils System" was recognized as the code of 
politicians. Colonel William Bent, an Indian trader, in 
giving his testimony concerning the Sand Creek massacre 
explained how the Indians were sometimes robbed of their 
annuities by the agent. An Indian brought a pony or some 
other gift to the agent and of course expected a like present 
in return. The agent gave him annuity goods and kept the 
pony as his own property. The diplomatic Indian thus got 
more than his share of the annuity, while somebody else got 
nothing. Another method by which agents acquired money 
illegally was by speculating in Indian goods, in partnership 
with traders who were often relatives. Colonel Bent testi- 
fied that the son of Samuel Gr. Colley, the Cheyenne agent, 
had come out to that country the year after his father was 
appointed agent, with only about thirty or forty cows and 
in two or three years had made from $25,000 to $30,000. 
Much of this money, Colonel Bent asserted, was made by 
selling Indian annuity goods ; and the trader declared that 
one of his men had found the top of a box, marked "U. S. 
Upper Arkansas Agency", in the younger Colley 's lodge. 
Other agents were accused of allowing traders to sell In- 
dian goods on shares, and then when the time came for dis- 
tributing the goods, of giving the Indians what was left. 
The necessary vouchers that the duty had been performed 
were easily obtained from some of the chiefs.^^ The profit 

25 Eeport of the Joint Special Committee on the Condition of the Indian 
Tribes, 1867, p. 95. 


to be made in this way at a remote agency where there was 
little chance of detection is evident from the amounts ap- 
propriated for the various tribes. For example, in 1867 the 
sum of $78,700 was appropriated for the Nez Perces alone.^^ 

The advocates of the army also argued that officers could 
be detailed to act as agents and thus save the amount paid 
for the salaries of agents, but they did not explain how so 
many officers could be spared for this duty without adding 
to the number already commissioned. If the army had so 
many officers to spare, then it was evident that the adminis- 
tration of military affairs was extravagant. Again, it was 
asserted, and with a great show of probability, that military 
commanders were a picked class of men, with high stand- 
ards of honor and were not likely to be interested in trade. 
Political influence had little to do with their appointment, 
and since as a rule they expected to remain in the service 
permanently, they would not be tempted to risk honor and 
promotion for the sake of graft. One Senator even argued 
that the only use the country had for an army at that time 
was to take care of the Indians ; and consequently army of- 
ficers might as well perform that duty directly. This plan, 
it was urged, would prevent friction between the agent in 
charge and the officer responsible for the conduct of affairs 
when the civil administration failed.^'^ 

Moreover, it was claimed that the Indians had more re- 
spect for severity than for leniency, and a military officer 
would not have tolerated the answer given by a Cheyenne 
chief to a Quaker agent concerning some horses claimed by 
a white man : "I have no doubt that this stock did belong to 
the young man, but it belongs to me now. I took it when I 
was at war, and I never give back anything I take when I 

20 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XIV, pp. 503, 504. 

27 Leupp 's The Indian and Ms Problem, pp. 105, 106 ; Congressional Globe, 
2nd Sess., 35th Congress, Part I, p. 790; Manypenny's Our Indian Wards, pp. 



am at war." Since the position of a military officer was 
usually permanent, it was believed, that the frequent chang- 
ing of the agents would not be necessary, and the constant 
succession of greedy officials with pockets to be filled would 
be prevented. Red Cloud once expressed his idea of the 
situation in the following words : * * I don 't see why the Gov- 
ernment changes our Agents. When one Agent gets rich at 
his trade of looking after us and has about all he wants, he 
may stop his stealing and leave us the property which be- 
longs to us, if he keeps his place. "^^ 

On the other hand, the advocates of the employment of 
civilian agents argued that the purpose of maintaining 
agents among the Indians was the development of respect 
for industry and civil law ; and a military officer, because of 
his training and strict adherence to rules, was ill adapted 
for such work. This view of the question was well ex- 
pressed by Commissioner E. P. Smith in his report for 1875. 
**So far, then, as eleven-twelfths of the Indian agencies are 
concerned," he said, *'the question of putting them under 
the control of the War Department has no more pertinency 
than that of putting the alms-house and city schools under 
the metropolitan police. A standing army and an ordinary 
Indian agency have no common end in view. ' '^^ Besides the 
army did not have enough officers to spare for this work and 
even if an officer proved to be a successful agent he might 
be ordered away at any moment. Friends of the civil ad- 
ministration denied that military officers were more success- 
ful in handling the Indians than were the agents. In the 
debate which occurred over this proposed change about 
1856, Senator Houston had declared that the army should 
be subordinate to the civil officers. This argument was sup- 
ported by an incident related by Agent Twiss in his report 

28 Moorehead 's The American Indian, pp. 317, 318. 

29 Seport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1875, p. 19. 

VOL. XIV — 13 


for that year. Two Indians approached a mail carrier to 
beg for tobacco, as they claimed. He fired upon them and 
in turn was wounded by an arrow, but escaped. The follow- 
ing morning troops from Fort Kearny attacked the Indians, 
killing six of them. Later the Indians retaliated by killing 
some white settlers. In this case the agent maintained that 
the officer was not justified in his severity and had made the 
situation worse instead of better.^" 

The question of improving the moral tone of the Indian 
service was discussed by the Commissioner of Indian Af- 
fairs in his report for 1868. He admitted that many of the 
agents were corrupt and that they pocketed the funds ap- 
propriated by the government, leaving the Indians to starve, 
and thus provoking such Indian wars as the Sioux had car- 
ried on in Minnesota. The remedy was not, however, a sub- 
stitution of military authority for civil authority, but a 
change in the personnel of the agents. To accomplish this, 
he suggested that Congress should set a date, not later than 
February 1, 1869, on which the offices of superintendents 
and agents should be vacated, so that only the worthy ones 
could be reappointed.^^ This recommendation was not 
adopted and it is difficult to see how he expected to eliminate 
political influence in these special appointments, when it 
could not be done in the regular routine. Another sugges- 
tion frequently made by the men in charge of the office was 
to increase the salaries of agents. They declared that it 
was impossible to get men with proper qualifications who 
were willing to take their families away from civilization 
and education for $1500 a year. Either they would not go 
or they would supplement the salary by dishonest meth- 

30 Congressional Glohe, 3rd Sess., 34tli Congress, 1856-1857, p. 533 ; Beport 
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1856, pp. 99, 100. 

31 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1875, pp. 18, 19. 

32 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1873, pp. 9, 10. 



So great was the demand for a change of some kind, and 
so notorious was the mal-administration of Indian agencies, 
that several bills were introduced providing for the re- 
transfer of the Indian Office to the War Department, but 
they failed to pass. The only concession to this demand 
was the plan adopted at the beginning of Grant's adminis- 
tration of filling the positions of Indian agent — especially 
among the more distant and hostile tribes — by army offi- 
cers who were responsible to the Secretary of the Interior 
for their agency work. During the year 1869-1870 out of 
seventy agents who reported, forty-nine held commissions 
in the army. Nine of the fifteen superintendents were like- 
wise military officers, three of the others being Grovernors of 
Territories and ex officio Superintendents of Indian Af- 
fairs.^^ The remaining positions, especially those in the 
northern and central superintendencies, which included 
most of the tribes east of the Eocky Mountains, were filled 
by nominees of the two divisions of the Society of Friends. 
Thus the service presented the curious spectacle of repre- 
sentatives of war and exponents of peace serving in the 
same capacity. This arrangement was supplemented by the 
agreement that Indians who remained on the reservation 
were under the protection of the agents, while those who re- 
fused to remain in the places assigned to them were subject 
to military law. It was believed that this solution of the 
problem would be successful, but it was destined to a short 
life. By an act of July 15, 1870, Congress prohibited the 
employment of army officers on the active list in any civil 
capacity and hence it was necessary for the Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs to determine upon some other plan.^* 

S3 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Beport of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, 1870-1871, Vol. I, pp. 477-480. 

3* Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Beport of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, 1869-1870, p. 447; United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 
XVI, p. 319. 


One of the army ofificers who served as Indian agent at 
this time has written an account of his experiences during 
the eighteen months of agency duty. He received notice of 
his assignment to the Whetstone Creek agency in Dakota 
Territory in June, 1869, and immediately set out on his long 
journey. On the way he met General Harney, the noted 
Indian fighter, who informed him that he did not intend to 
return to the Indians as he had made too many promises 
which he could not carry out. He also had an interview with 
the Governor of the Territory, who was also Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs, and learned that this officer knew little 
about the wild Sioux in his district and had never visited 
the Whetstone Creek agency. Upon his arrival at Whet- 
stone Creek, Captain Poole found the agency located on the 
west bank of the Missouri River. The site was made up of 
a series of "benches", the first extending back about eighty 
rods from the river ; while the second, some six or eight feet 
higher, ran back to the bluffs which encircled the agency on 
the west. Two small streams. Whetstone Creek and Scalp 
Creek, had cut channels through the bluffs, but contained 
running water only after rains. This "pocket of land" con- 
tained about two thousand acres of rich soil. On the outer 
edge of the second bench the new agent found the govern- 
ment buildings. These were all of logs and consisted, as 
usual, of a carpenter's shop, a blacksmith's shop, two store 
houses, a building used for both office and council room, a 
dispensary, a barn and stables, and, nearer the river, a saw 
mill. Back of these were some log huts, including a trader's 
store, and between these and the bluffs the space was filled 
in with Indian tepees. The Indians, however, were not lim- 
ited to this spot for the Sioux reservation extended west- 
ward to the Wind River mountains and contained about 
thirty million acres. The Sioux at this time numbered 
about twenty-eight thousand people, so that each Indian had 
about a thousand acres. 



The agency was well supplied with all sorts of agricul- 
tural implements, but the only men who used them were the 
government employees and some white men who had mar- 
ried Indian squaws. While their white relatives were en- 
gaged in farming the Indians merely looked on. The season 
had not been favorable, however, for the drought had left 
the wheat only five or six inches high; the grasshoppers had 
eaten the corn; and potato bugs had descended upon the 
potato vines. 

Life on the Whetstone reservation was not unlike that at 
other agencies. Councils with the chiefs were held, rations 
were distributed, and disputes were settled whenever pos- 
sible. The rations given to these Indians amounted to about 
$30,000 a month, and the leaders were constantly insisting 
that they were not sufficient. One Sioux brave, dissatisfied 
with the goods provided him, announced his resentment by 
shooting into the log house occupied by the agent and an- 
other officer who was present to witness the distribution of 
the goods. 

One of the duties which fell to the lot of Agent Poole was 
the conducting of a party of Indian leaders to Washington. 
Two chiefs. Spotted Tail and Swift Bear, two warriors, and 
an interpreter made up the party. The journey, by way of 
Sioux City, Chicago, and Pittsburg, was made partly by 
stage and partly by train. Pullman cars, modern hotels, 
napkins, theaters and other novelties were met with the 
same outward stolidity. At Washington the agent accom- 
panied his charges on sight-seeing tours, and to theaters, 
receptions, and official interviews. The guests were feasted 
on strawberries and ice cream by Mrs. Sherman ; they were 
taken to the gallery of the House of Eepresentatives to 
watch that body vote an Indian appropriation bill; they 
were even taken down the Potomac River to visit Mount 
Vernon, but all this magnificence did not convince them of 


the superiority of the white man's manner of living. The 
only request made of the President was the promise that the 
agency should be moved back from the Missouri Eiver and 
when this was granted they were quite ready to return to 
their own prairies.^^ 

In the meantime an attempt had been made to check the 
swindling in connection with Indian contracts, by an act ap- 
proved on April 10, 1869, which authorized the President to 
appoint a Board of Indian Commissioners to consist of ten 
citizens, serving without pay. This board was to exercise 
joint control with the Secretary of the Interior over the dis- 
bursements for the Indian Department.^'' Under this ad- 
visory body at the time of its organization were eleven 
superintendents and fifty-nine agents. The members of the 
board began an investigation of conditions in the Indian 
Office and their opinion of the Indian agent in general was 
expressed as follows: ''The agent, appointed to be their 
friend and counsellor, business manager, and the almoner of 
the government bounties, frequently went among them only 
to enrich himself in the shortest possible time, at the cost of 
the Indians, and spend the largest available sum of the gov- 
ernment money with the least ostensible beneficial result. "^'^ 

During the general investigation of the agencies which 
occurred during this attempt at reform, the report of the 
Washington superintendent concerning two agencies in his 
district may be taken as illustrative of some of the condi- 
tions found. Both of these agencies had been in charge of 
civilians and were now filled by army officers. Of the Quin- 
aielt agency the superintendent reported that the employees 

35 For an account of this agency, see Poole's Among the Sioux of DaJcota. 

36 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVI, p. 40. 

37 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Eeport of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, 1869-1870, p. 490; United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 
XVI, p. 13. 



were honest and industrious, and were not being paid for 
time spent away from the agency. Accounts were well kept 
and annuities distributed promptly. In fact the favorable 
report of the new agent had so attracted the superintend- 
ent's attention that he had taken pains to verify the report 
and had concluded that the former sub-agent, Henry Win- 
sor, was really ''an honest Indian agent". 

On the other hand, conditions on the Dwamish and Tula- 
lip reservations were reported as deplorable. The former 
sub-agent had been absent for a month when his successor 
arrived at the agency and never appeared to turn over any 
money to Captain Hill, the new sub-agent. No property 
worth mentioning was found, there was no money on hand, 
and vouchers to the amount of $14,000 were outstanding. 
These were statements signed by the agent or sub-agent to 
the effect that goods to that amount had been sold to the 
government and were yet unpaid for. No annuities had 
been distributed since 1865 and although $30,000 had been 
donated for benevolent purposes since that year, no evi- 
dence of its proper expenditure was on hand. Even the 
agency oxen had been sold by the sub-agent, and $2,500 was 
due to the Indians for labor. In fact, declared the superin- 
tendent, no one except the late sub-agent, H. C. Hale, could 
have conducted affairs so badly. A study of some other 
agencies, however, does not substantiate Colonel Eoss 's con- 
clusion on this point. 

The powers of the Board of Indian Commissioners were 
further defined by an act passed in 1871, which forbade the 
payment of more than fifty percent of an account until it 
had been audited by the Commissioners. In addition to this 
provision the act included an appropriation for eight super- 
intendents : two east of the Rocky Mountains and one each 

38 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Beport of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, 1869-1870, pp. 575, 576. 


for Oregon, Washington, New Mexico, California, Arizona, 
and Montana. A total of sixty-two agents received $93,600 
in salaries. One section of the law settled the question of 
the independence of the Indian tribes by providing that "no 
Indian nation or tribe within the territory of the United 
States shall be acknowledged or recognized as an Inde- 
pendent nation, tribe, or power with whom the United 
States may contract by treaty". Treaties already made, 
however, were not to be affected by this change. Francis A. 
Walker, a former Commissioner of Indian Affairs, wrote of 
this change in the status of the Indian. "Under the tradi- 
tional policy of the United States," he said, "the Indian 
agent was a minister resident to a * domestic dependent na- 
tion. ' The Act of March 3, 1871, destroys the nationality, 
and leaves the agent in the anomalous position of finding no 
authority within the tribe to which he can address himself, 
yet having in himself no legal authority over the tribe or the 
members of it. ' ' An attempt was made to prevent the con- 
nivance of the agents with swindlers by providing that any 
agent who made or advised the making of a contract with 
Indians concerning lands or annuities, except in writing and 
with the approval of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
and the Secretary of the Interior, should be removed from 
office, fined $1000, imprisoned for six months and disquali- 
fied from holding any similar position,^^ 

Laws, however, were not sufficient to bring about a ref- 
ormation in Indian administration: the right kind of men 
were needed. Conditions during the year 1869-1870 seem 
to have been unusually good, if the official report may be be- 
lieved. Commissioner Parker paid the following tribute to 
the men who served as Indian agents during that year : "Of 
those belonging to the ' Society of Friends,' I may confident- 

30 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVI, pp. 544, 566, 568, 570, 571 ; 
Walker's The Indian Question, p. 117. 



ly say, that their course and policy has been highly promo- 
tive of the welfare and happiness of the tribes under their 
charge. . . , The military gentlemen, also, who last 
year were detailed for duty as Indian agents by direction of 
the President, have faithfully, and with much credit to them- 
selves, efficiently managed the trust devolved upon them, 
and it is to be regretted that they can not be continued in the 
service. ' '^^ Since army officers could no longer be employed 
and the nomination of agents by the Society of Friends had 
worked well, the men in charge of the Indian department 
determined to extend this method of selecting agents and to 
invite other religious denominations to nominate the agents, 
with the understanding that they should take charge of the 
religious work in the agencies in which men of their choice 
were employed as agents. 

In accordance with this plan of combining governmental 
supervision of the Indians with missionary work, the vari- 
ous agencies were assigned to the religious bodies as fol- 


Number of Agencies 

Number of Indians 

Hicksite Friends 



Orthodox Friends 


















Reformed Dutch 









American Board of Foreign Missions 1 








*o Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Report of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, 1870-1871, pp. 473, 474. 


The agency assigned to the Lutheran Church was the Sac 
and Fox Agency in Iowa. The organizations having more 
than one agency were usually assigned stations in various 
parts of the country, although the two sects of Friends were 
practically in control of the northern and central superin- 
tendehcies. The Commissioner believed that this method of 
appointing agents would be superior to the old political sys- 
tem, both in the class of men secured and in the longer ten- 
ure of office. Under the old regime, the agents had been 
changed every few months or at least every two or three 

This system of appointing agents inaugurated what prom- 
ised to be a new era in the administration of Indian affairs. 
Would the churches be able to do what the politicians had 
failed to do ? In spite of the optimism of the early reports, 
the success of the plan was by no means assured. If, as the 
men in charge insisted, the salaries of the agents were too 
low to attract able and honest men, where were the churches 
to find candidates for positions except among the mission- 
aries? The qualities which made successful missionaries 
were not always those required of an executive officer. And 
even if the churches succeeded in finding the right men, 
what guarantee was there that political influence would not 
reassert itself in filling these positions? It was not likely 
that office-seekers would immediately surrender the oppor- 
tunities offered by the Indian service for enriching them- 
selves at the expense of people who were not competent to 
insist upon their rights. The two decades following the 
year 1871 show how powerful was this political pressure; 
and besides there was constant agitation for the reestablish- 
ment of military supervision. The plan, moreover, was not 
one which was based on legislative enactment. It was a de- 
vice of the administrative officers and as such, depended en- 

41 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1872, pp. 72, 73, 74. 



tirely upon the attitude of the man who happened to be in 
charge of Indian affairs. 


The report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1871 
shows that six of the superintendencies had been discon- 
tinued. Seventy-four agents were on the list, all receiving 
$1500 each, except the three in California, who received 
$1800. Sub-agents were paid $1000 a year. In conformity 
with the law of the previous year, however, no army officers 
were serving in the Indian Department. Not only were new 
agencies established for tribes which had hitherto been out- 
side the scope of any agency, but the locations of existing 
agencies were sometimes changed as the shifting of the In- 
dians went on. The cost of establishing such an agency was 
considerable. Charles F. Eoedel, the agent for the Utes 
and Apaches, where **Kit" Carson had been stationed, rec- 
ommended the following appropriations for the new agency 
at Cimarron: 

Agent's house 


Farmer's house 


Store house 


Blacksmith's house 


Physician's house 


Grist and saw mill 


Teacher's house and 

Stable and corral 


school house 


Carpenter's shop 


Miller's house 


Blacksmith's shop 


Carpenter's house 


Additional changes in the system of Indian administra- 
tion were made by the act of Congress approved on Febru- 
ary 14, 1873, which provided for five new officers called 
inspectors, who were to be appointed by the President, with 
the consent of the Senate, for a period of four years. Each 
inspector was to receive a salary of $3000 a year and ex- 
penses, and it was made the duty of these officers to examine 
the accounts of all agents and superintendents twice a year, 

■42 Eeport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1871, pp. 6, 9-11, 398. 


so arranging the work that the same inspector did not ex- 
amine the same agency both times. In order to carry out 
their work they were given authority to call witnesses and 
examine them under oath. If conditions warranted they 
might suspend agents and superintendents. The President 
was authorized to discontinue any superintendencies or 
agencies which were considered unnecessary, and four of 
the eight superintendencies were to be abolished after June 
30, 1873. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes in Iowa was to 
live near or among the Indians and to devote his entire time 
to their education and training in the mechanic arts.*^ The 
approximate number of Indians under the charge of the 
seventy-three agents at this time was 150,000. About 95,000 
more were occasionally under the influence of the agents, 
while 55,000 Indians never appeared at any of the govern- 
ment agencies.*^ 

During the following year two more superintendencies 
were discontinued, leaving only the central and northern 
superintendencies. Agents were to distribute annuities to 
able-bodied, male Indians between the ages of eighteen and 
forty-five only in return for work at a reasonable rate, and 
supplies were to be furnished to the heads of families in 
proportion to the number of members and for only one week 
at a time. The agent at Tama, Iowa, was to receive $500 a 
year if he resided near enough to care for his charges every 
day, otherwise he was not to be paid. In an attempt to 
check the padding of the agency pay-rolls Congress limited 
the amount which might be used for the salaries of the em- 
ployees of an agency, exclusive of the agent and interpreter, 
to $6000. Agents were required to swear that the employees 
named in their quarterly reports were actually engaged in 
work for the Indians for the entire time specified, and that 

■43 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVII, pp. 438, 463. 

a Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1872, pp. 15, 74. 



they, themselves, did not receive any of the money paid to 
these subordinates, and were not interested in any govern- 
ment contract.*^ An act of March 3, 1875, increased the 
maximum amount which might be expended for salaries to 
$10,000, provided the Secretary of the Interior approved; 
and Indians were to be employed wherever possible. Agents 
were required to keep itemized public accounts of their 
transactions and these records were not to be removed from 
the offices of the agents under penalty of a fine of from $500 
to $1000 and disqualification from holding any other posi- 
tion as agent. The requirement that agencies must be in- 
spected twice a year was repealed and the number of 
inspectors was reduced to three.^'' In spite of this change, 
however, the appropriations continued to provide for the 
salaries and expenses of five inspectors. 

The law empowering the President to discontinue super- 
intendencies and agencies which he considered unnecessary, 
appears to have been applied to the former rather than to 
the latter. The appropriation for 1876 recognized only one 
superintendent, the central, while the act of May 27, 1878, 
provided for none. Thus one grade in the Indian service 
was eliminated, for the inspectors, although they were su- 
pervisors, were really assistants to the Commissioner. The 
reports and appropriations also show a decrease in the num- 
ber of agents, but this was not so marked. In 1878 the 
number of agents provided for was seventy-four; between 
1883 and 1887 it was sixty ; and by 1892 the number had been 
reduced to fifty-seven. According to the report of the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, Mr. T. J. Morgan, the number 
of agents and the statistics concerning their agencies in 
1890 were as follows : 

*5 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVIII, pp. 146, 147, 176, 177. 
46 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVIII, pp. 421, 422, 423, 449, 450, 










Black feet, Mont. 






Cheyenne River, S. Dak 






Cheyenne & Arapaho, Ok. 






Colorado River, Arizona 






Colville Agency, Wash. 






Crow Creek and Lower 

Brule, S. Dakota 






Crow, Mont. 






Devil's Lake, N. Dak. 






Eastern Cherokee, N. C. 






Flathead, Mont. 






Fort Berthold, N. Dak. 






Fort Belknap, Mont. 






Fort Hall, Idaho 






Fort Peck, Mont. 






Grand Ronde, Oregon 






Green Bay, Wis. 






Hoopa Valley, Cal. 



Army Officer 

Kiowa, etc., Oklahoma 






Klamath, Oregon 






Lemhi, Idaho 






La Pointe, Wis. 






Mescalero, N. Mex. 






Mission Tule River, Cal. 






Navajo, N. Mexico 






Neah Bay, Wash. 






Nevada, Nevada 






New York, N. Y. 






Nez Perces, Idaho 






Omaha and Winnebago, Nebr. 124 





Osage and Kaw, Oklahoma 

. 2,453 





Pima, Arizona 






Pine Ridge, S. Dak. 






Ponca, Pawnee, Otoe, and 

Oakland, Ok. 






Pottawattamie and Great 

Nemaha, Kans. 






Pueblo, N. Mex. 






Puyallup, Wash. 






Quapaw, Ind. T. 






Round Valley, Cal. 






Rosebud, S. Dak. 






San Carlos, Ariz. 






Southern Ute and Jacarilla, 













SQ. MI. 




Sisseton, S. Dak. 






Standing Rock, N. Dak. 






Sae and Fox, Ok. 






Sac and Fox, Iowa 






Santee, Nebraska 






Shoshone, Wyo. 






Siletz, Oregon 






Tongue River, Mont. 






TulaJip, Wash. 






TTm Q f 1 llji Orpffmi 





Union, Indian. T. 






TTiTrfn }i a n r) On rfi TTfji Vi 

J.i±llCLlA -LI H \_/U.X(Xj'j KJ LitXLL 




TOO ono 


Warm Springs, Oregon 






White Earth, Minn. 






Western Shoshone, Nev. 






Yakima, Washington 






Yankton, S. Dakota 






*Agent at Green Bay is 

required to file a 



bond in the sum of $100,000 to cover logging money. Salary 1,533.33 1/3 *7 

This slight decrease in the number of agents did not mean, 
however, that the cost of administering Indian affairs was 
any less. The appropriations for the Indian Office grew 
steadily larger, being $5,124,648.80 in 1882, $6,083,851.37 for 
the year 1889-1890, and $7,127,394.69 for the year 1890- 
1891.^^ Nor were the salaries of the agents increased to any 
extent. The increase in expenditures was used for the es- 
tablishment of more schools; for the salaries of more em- 
ployees, such as physicians, farmers, and teachers ; and for 
more supplies for the Indians. 

The matter of agents' salaries had been frequently dis- 
cussed. Under the old system the salary was not the most 

47 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XX, p. 64; Report of the Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs, 1890, p. cxix. 

*s Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1884, p. xviii; Beport of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1890, p. cxxiii. 


important financial inducement, but when the attempt was 
made to prevent dishonesty, the agent was forced to rely 
largely upon his salary and it thus became a matter of com- 
plaint. Commissioner Smith in 1876 strongly urged the 
payment of higher salaries to the men in the more difficult 
positions. In support of his suggestion he said : 

The most important duties in the conduct of our Indian affairs 
are, and of necessity must be, performed by the agent. Not only 
are committed to him the conduct of the agency business proper, the 
erection and care of buildings, the supervision of farming and me- 
chanical operations, the purchase and care of stock, the proper 
receipt and distribution of supplies, the management of schools, the 
keeping of accurate and complicated financial accounts, and the fur- 
nishing of information and advice as a basis of action by this office, 
but upon his skill, tact, and ability to influence and control his 
Indians, success in the administration of Indian affairs wholly de- 
pends. ... A distinguished military officer, after long experi- 
ence with Indians, states that to successfully manage one of the most 
important Indian agencies requires as high an order of capacity as 
to command an army. 

The great want of the Indian service has always been thoroughly 
competent agents. The President has sought to secure proper per- 
sons for these important offices by inviting the several religious 
organizations, through their constituted authorities, to nominate to 
him men for whose ability, character, and conduct they are willing 
to vouch. I believe the churches have endeavored to perform this 
duty faithfully, and to a fair degree have succeeded ; but they ex- 
perience great difficulty in inducing persons possessed of the requi- 
site qualifications to accept these positions when it is considered that 
these men must take their families far into the wilderness, cut them- 
selves off from civilization with its comforts and attractions, deprive 
their children of the advantages of education, live lives of anxiety 
and toil, give bonds for great sums of money, be held responsible in 
some instances for the expenditure of hundreds of thousands of 
dollars a year, and subject themselves to ever ready suspicion, de- 
traction, and calumny, for a compensation less than that paid to a 
third-class clerk in "Washington, or to a village postmaster, it is not 
strange that able, upright, thoroughly competent men hesitate, and 



decline to accept tlie position of an Indian agent, or if they accept, 
resign the position after a short trial. 

From the table given above it is evident that the salaries 
of the agents in 1890 varied somewhat, though not in pro- 
portion to the inequalities in work and responsibility. The 
Commissioners of Indian Affairs had frequently complained 
of the injustice in the pajrment of Indian agents. They 
claimed that the fixed salary of $1500 which had been paid 
for so many years to almost all the agents was inadequate 
and unfair. It was inadequate because men of the proper 
ability and experience would not serve for it; and it was 
unfair because the work and responsibilities varied greatly. 
An agent who had charge of three hundred and twenty-five 
Indians was paid the same salary as the one who had seven 
thousand under his care. The system which prevailed in 
many agencies of ■ appointing some relative or relatives of 
the agent as employees added to the inequality of remuner- 
ation. One agent had his wife appointed matron, although 
there were no other women at the agency except the cook. 
Another asked the Commissioner to confirm his appoint- 
ment of a seventeen-year-old son as farmer at a salary of 
$1000, and another son, a year younger, as assistant farmer 
at $900. As the Commissioner explained in his report for 
1877, it was possible for the agent in charge of the three 
hundred and twenty-five Indians to have his son employed 
as a clerk at $1000 a year, his daughter as teacher at $600 a 
year, a brother as farmer at a salary of $900, and other rela- 
tives in other positions ; while the man in charge of the seven 
thousand Indians might have only his own salary. There- 
fore, the Commissioner recommended the classification of 
agents into seven groups, receiving from $2500 to $1000.^" 

The following year, Congress adopted this suggestion and 

*9 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 187 6, pp. iii, iv. 
BO Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1877, pp. 6, 7. 

VOL. XIV — 14 


in the appropriation act of 1878 the salaries of the agents 
varied from $1000 to $3000. Two agencies might be consoli- 
dated and put in charge of one agent, but his combined sal- 
ary was not to exceed $2,200.^^ According to the report of 
Commissioner Morgan in 1890 the average salary of the 
agents was only a little above the uniform salary paid 
earlier. The agents before 1878 had received $1500; the 
average salary in 1890 was $1,533.33 1/3. In addition to the 
salary the agent received transportation for himself; quar- 
ters for himself and family ; a team was provided for him ; 
fuel and lights for his office were furnished ; he was allowed 
a clerk and entitled to the services of the agency physician. 
Supplies for his family must be purchased out of his own 
funds but could be obtained from the government at cost.^^ 

The organization of the work on the reservations gradu- 
ally became more and more complicated. Until about 1850 
the work of the agent had been comparatively easy. He held 
his position in accordance with treaty stipulations and 
whenever the pressure of civilization became too great, he 
and his charges moved westward. The Indians resented the 
intrusion of the whites who offered whiskey with one hand 
and work with the other, but so long as a way of escape re- 
mained they could evade both by flight. After 1850 the 
problem became more acute. The Indians, surrounded by a 
civilization which they hated and feared, were separated 
from it by an impenetrable wall of race prejudice and gov- 
ernment red tape. Whenever they attempted to escape 
from the reservation, they were forced back by United 
States troops and the iron ring about them tightened once 
more. There, robbed by government representatives, de- 
bauched by the men who claimed to be their superiors, made 

til United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XX, pp. 64, 65. 

52 Eeport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1890, pp. cxix, cxx. 



desperate by poverty and a sense of injustice, the Indians 
became a formidable social problem. Too weak to fight suc- 
cessfully for their rights, they were yet strong enough to 
resist the efforts of the agents and missionaries to educate 
them and give them industrial training, which by this time 
had become absolutely necessary. Gradually the Indians 
began to submit to the inevitable. As the number of em- 
ployees at the agencies increased the relative importance of 
the agent decreased. He was no longer a despot surround- 
ed by dependents who, by common consent if not by court 
decisions, had no rights which a white man was bound to 
respect, but a business manager in the midst of a corps of 
supposedly trained and intelligent subordinates. In case of 
a vacancy in the office of agent it was possible to intrust his 
work to one of the subordinates or to special agents, al- 
though military officers occasionally served as temporary 
agents. The work of the inspectors made it possible to se- 
cure uniformity of administration even without a regular 

Another class of officials connected with the Indian Office 
was made up of special agents. In 1874 Congress fixed 
their salaries at $1500 a year. After 1879 these special 
agents were appointed regularly by the Secretary of the In- 
terior and their salaries were raised to $2000. They report- 
ed directly to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and might 
perform the duties of inspectors, or they might be assigned 
to agency work when special investigations were to be made. 
While performing the duty of an agent, they were required 
to furnish the usual bonds. In 1882 Congress provided for 
an inspector of Indian schools who later became the Su- 
perintendent of Indian Schools. As the work of the schools 

53 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVIII, p. 147; Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Bulletin 30, Part I, p. 22; United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 
XXII, p. 70. 


became more and more important, each separate institution 
came to have a superintendent similar to a city superintend- 
ent of schools, and the powers of these men gradually in- 
creased until they equalled those of the agent in importance, 
and they finally absorbed much of his work. 

The judicial power of the agent had always been unde- 
fined. He could settle disputes between whites and Indians, 
but there was no civil power to enforce his decisions. 
Crimes committed by Indians against Indians were not rec- 
ognized by the Territorial or State courts until Congress by 
an act of March 3, 1885, made certain crimes, such as murder 
and theft, subject to trial in the Territorial courts. Minor 
crimes and disputes were often settled in the Courts of In- 
dian Offenses. These tribunals were composed of three In- 
dians appointed by the agent and were recognized by the 
Department of the Interior on April 10, 1883. The agents 
appear to have been well pleased with the workings of these 
extra-legal courts, since they thus escaped deciding many 
unpleasant questions. Previous to the organization of these 
courts, a system of Indian police for the enforcement of law 
on the reservations had been established in accordance with 
the act of May 27, 1878. This was a semi-military organiza- 
tion, made up of officers and privates, who were nominated 
by the agent and appointed by the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, and no body of white officers could have been more 
loyal or fearless in the performance of their duties.^* 

The number of agents required was slightly diminished 
by two policies which became popular during the period 
from 1870 to 1890. One was the system of consolidating the 
Indians belonging to two reservations, upon one reservation 
of which a single agent could take charge ; the other was the 

BiKappler's Indian A fairs, Vol. I, p. 32; Leupp's The Indian and Eis 
Problem, pp. 241, 242, 244; Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
1885, p. xxi; Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892, p. 23. 



plan for the allotment of lands to the Indians, a measure 
strongly urged by the friends of the Indians, who believed 
that the Indian was the equal of the white man if given the 
same economic and political rights. 

The consolidation of agencies was not a new feature of 
our Indian policy, but it became popular at this time for two 
reasons. It lessened the number of agents required and it 
opened a large amount of land to settlement, a measure al- 
ways approved by the white voters. In 1878 Commissioner 
E. A. Hayt reported that thirty-six reservations containing 
21,922,507 acres of land in charge of twenty agents could be 
reduced to nine reservations with 4,239,052 acres, for which 
only nine agents would be required, thus restoring over sev- 
enteen million acres to the public domain.^^ 

Another measure which tended to reduce the number of 
agents required was the Dawes Act of February 8, 1887, 
which provided for the division of reservations among the 
individuals of the tribe whenever the President decided that 
it was advisable. The work of allotting the reservations was 
to be performed by special agents and by the agents in 
charge of the reservation, and each member of the tribe was 
to receive an allotment, although there was a variation in 
the amount of land which different Indians received. The 
selection of land for orphan children was to be made by the 
agent. Citizenship was conferred upon the Indians to whom 
land was assigned, although the allotments were to be held 
in trust by the United States for twenty-five years,^" the 
advocates of the bill evidently considering that the Indians 
were more competent to vote on matters of public business 
than to take care of their own property. This division of 

55 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1878, pp. iv, v. 
68Leupp's The Indian and Bis Problem, pp. 34, 35; United States Statutes 
at Large, Vol. XXIV, pp. 388-391. 


the reservation by no means ended the usefulness of the 
agent, although the policy looked forward to the time when 
his duties would cease. His position on such a reservation, 
before the end of twenty-five years, was peculiar. He was in 
charge of men who were land-holders, yet paid no taxes, 
voters, yet subject to the agent or Commissioner in matters 
of private finance. It was his duty to prevent the sale of 
liquor to the Indians, although the courts often decided that 
as citizens they had a right to buy it if they wished to do so. 
He was supposed to require able-bodied allottees to culti- 
vate their own farms, but the enforcement of this rule on 
large reservations was difificult.^'^ There yet remained many 
reservations which were not even partially allotted and on 
these the functions of the agent remained unchanged. 

The more complex the system of administering affairs on 
the reservations became, the more important it was to se- 
cure men of ability as agents. The complaints as to the 
character of the agents do not always indicate any decrease 
in efficiency, but rather a higher standard of character. 
The method of selecting agents adopted in 1870, while it was 
reported as more satisfactory than the former method, did 
not entirely solve the problem of securing high grade men 
at relatively small salaries. There were several reasons for 
the difficulty of eradicating graft from the Indian Office. 
Dishonesty was easy and profitable. In addition to the im- 
mense sums of money furnished by the government, the 
agents, as the financial guardians of the tribes, often handled 
considerable sums of money which came from other sources. 
For example, J. C. Bridginan, agent at Green Bay, reported 
in 1876 that the money received for logs during the previous 
year amounted to $50,156.74.^* The Commissioner of In- 

57 Leupp's The Indian and His Problem, pp. 36-40. 

58 Ecport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1876, p. 147. 



dian Affairs, J. Q. Smith, discussed this question in his re- 
port for 1876 in which he explained the situation as follows : 

In every other department of the public service, the officers of the 
Government conduct business mainly with civilized and intelligent 
men. The Indian Office .... has to deal mainly with an 
uncivilized and unintelligent people, whose ignorance, superstition, 
and suspicion materially increase the difficulty both of controlling 
and assisting them. . . . The agencies are usually located in 
distant, and, in some cases, almost inaccessible places. They are, in 
many instances, so far from the accustomed abodes of our people as 
to be rarely visited by any civilized men except the agent and his 
employes and persons furnishing supplies. It thus happens that the 
business of the agency is conducted without the restraints which 
generally surround public officers. The agent is too remote to be 
under the immediate and constant surveillance of the central office. 
He is in a great degree free from the espionage of an intelligent 
public, and those near him who are competent to detect frauds or 
criticize official conduct may be influenced by or be in collusion with 
him. 59 

The power granted to the churches of nominating the 
agents appears to have fallen into disuse after a few years. 
Not only were there difificulties inherent in the administra- 
tion of Indian affairs, but this plan appears also to have 
given rise to a controversy among the various denomina- 
tions, and especially between Protestants and Catholics. 
The latter claimed thirty-eight agencies, but were assigned 
only eight. Although the individual agent was usually fair- 
ly satisfactory, the system appears to have produced the in- 
evitable result of the union of church and government, 
namely, jealousy. Nor did it entirely eliminate political in- 
fluence. Although the churches nominated the agents, the 
making of appointments was still in the hands of the govern- 
ment officials. It was difficult for men who were themselves 
elected or appointed by political influence to resist the ef- 

59 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1876, p. iii. 


forts of some prominent leader to have some particular 
person appointed agent. 

A certain Professor C. C. Painter, who read a paper be- 
fore a conference on Indian welfare in 1886, after criticising 
the former policy of partisan appointments, declared that 
the appointments * * are exactly in the same hands to-day, and 
under no greater restrictions than in the most corrupt days 
of the Indian service, and it would not be difficult to show 
that they are made for exactly the same reasons to-day, 
though the same opportunities for plunder do not exist." 
J ust how far from ideal this method of appointment was, in 
his estimation, may be judged from his statement in the 
same paper "that the selection of such a man [an agent] 
should be made alone by a commission of angels specially 
charged by the Almighty with the duty of extreme vigilance 
and care." In this opinion the Commissioners doubtless 
often concurred. In order to lessen the nepotism and cor- 
ruption existing in many agencies, the appointment of the 
clerks, farmers, and physicians was entrusted to the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, instead of to the agent. The 
agents complained of the injustice of compelling them to 
work with strange assistants, but their objection was not 
sustained. The candidates for these positions, with the ex- 
ception of the physicians, were given an examination and 
could be removed if found incompetent. While at the 
agency, however, they were subject to the orders of the 

In spite of the various attempts to reform the administra- 
tion, cases of incompetent or dishonest conduct of agency 
affairs constantly appeared. In July, 1875, after repeated 

60 Eighteenth Animal Report of the Board of Indian Commissioners, 1&86, p. 
64; Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1886, pp. xxx, xxxi; McKen- 
zie 's The Indian in Relation to the White Population of the United States, pp. 
14, 15. 



charges of fraud and incompetency had been made against 
J, J. Saville, the agent at the Eed Cloud agency, a commis- 
sion of four men was appointed by the Board of Indian Com- 
missioners to investigate conditions. The chief accusation 
was made by Professor 0. C. Marsh of Yale University, who 
had visited the reservation while on a scientific expedition 
and had become convinced that the rations and annuities 
issued to the Indians were inferior in quality. The report 
of the committee was made in the following October and was 
voluminous and complete, occupying eight hundred and fifty 
printed pages. The result of these investigations sustained 
"the allegation of Professor Marsh that the agent is incom- 
petent and unfit for the position which he occupies ; that he 
should be removed without delay, and a competent successor 
appointed." "His striking deficiencies", continued the re- 
port, ' ' are a nervous and irritable temperament, inordinate 
loquacity, undignified bearing and manners, a want of cool- 
ness and coUectedness of mind, and of firmness and decision 
of character. With these defects he combines some very ex- 
cellent qualities of head and heart. There is no proof, how- 
ever, to sustain the averment that he was in league with the 
contractors to defraud the Indians of the food and clothing 
sent them by the Government. Not a fact has been elicited 
to sustain this allegation. We see nothing in the evidence 
to satisfy us that Dr. Saville is either a grasping, covetous, 
or corrupt man. His tastes are rather literary and scien- 
tific, and the love of money seems to form no part of his 
character. There are two acts referred to in the evidence 
. . . . which exhibit an unpardonable disregard of the 
moneyed interests of the Government, and which of them- 
selves ought to have caused his immediate removal from 
office ; but, as it does not appear that he was to derive any 
personal benefit from these transactions, his errors may be 
explained by that want of firmness, which caused him to 


yield to the importunities of the selfish and unprincipled. 
. . . . He may certainly be referred to as an example 
of at least one Indian agent who goes out of ofi&ce a poorer 
man than when he entered it. ' ' 

After taking the testimony of Professor Marsh and nearly 
a hundred different persons connected in some way with the 
agency, the commission made several recommendations, in 
addition to the one concerning the removal of the agent. 
Among them were: (1) the exclusion of E. R. Threlkeld 
from his position as inspector; (2) the refusal to receive 
bids in the future from three of the contractors concerned 
in furnishing goods to the Eed Cloud agency; (3) a careful 
enumeration of the Sioux Indians; (4) that bids be received 
at some point in the West instead of in New York City; (5) 
that the office of superintendent be abolished and his duties 
transferred to the inspectors; (6) that army officers be de- 
tailed to inspect annuity goods and provisions; (7) that the 
keeping of accounts be more carefully provided for, and that 
the salaries of agents be graduated in proportion to the im- 
portance of their work; (8) that a commission of army of- 
ficers be appointed to consider the organization of Indian 
soldiery for police duty; (9) that suitable persons be ap- 
pointed in behalf of the Indians to prosecute violators of 
the law; and (10) that all future legislation be based upon 
the policy of bringing the Indians under the same law which 
governed the other inhabitants of the United States. In 
view of the debate concerning the use of the military depart- 
ment in administering Indian affairs, the answer of one of 
the witnesses, a contractor, to the question of whether he 
had any suggestion to offer concerning the management of 
the agency, is of interest. "The suggestion would be just to 
turn the whole thing over to the War Department," he re- 
plied, ''letting the officers issue the rations, and have an 
officer for agent that will do the Indians justice. The In- 



dians themselves wish to have an officer of the Army for 
agent; I heard them say so a hundred times. 

Yet all the wrong was not on the side of the agent. The 
etforts of the government to prevent fraud entailed an im- 
mense amount of clerical work upon an officer whose most 
important work lay outside the office. The quarters pro- 
vided for the agents were frequently unsuitable, because of 
the frauds of former incumbents or on account of the diffi- 
culty of erecting suitable houses in the wilderness. Their 
duties — like all work among dependent and defective people 
— ^were often discouraging; and the more conscientious the 
agent was, the more disappointed he was likely to be in the 
results accomplished. "I am satisfied that no agent can 
perform the higher duties for which he is placed here", one 
agent wrote in his letter of resignation, "without sooner or 
later being compelled to spend his own money to defend 
himself from some unjust charge. I have the assurance of 
this same chief of division in the Second Comptroller's Of- 
fice, that in case an agent acting on his own judgment did, by 
an expenditure of five dollars, save the Government a mil- 
lion, he would compel him to refund that five dollars if he 
could. "^^ Moreover, as the Commissioners frequently 
pointed out, the position of the Indian agent gave an oppor- 
tunity, not only for plunder, but also for charges of graft 
which might have no foundation. J. B. Harrison, a repre- 
sentative of the Indian Rights Association, who visited some 
of the agencies in the North and West in 1886, and who 
could have had no incentive to misrepresent conditions, of- 
fered some comments on this phase of the question. He de- 
clared that ''moral assassination" was often resorted to in 
order to secure the removal of an agent or employee, and he 

61 Eeport of the Special Commission Appointed to Investigate the Affairs of 
the Bed Cloud Indian Agency, 1875, pp. iii, vii, xvii, Ixxiv, Ixxv, and 225. 

62 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1883, p. ix. 


added that have often been told, in towns near Indian 
reservations, that for ten dollars one could obtain ten affi- 
davits accusing any man or woman of any crime whatever, 
and I have no reason to doubt the truth of the assertion. 
. . . . After careful observation and study of the psy- 
chology of many Indian reservations, especially that of the 
white people on and near them, I am obliged to conclude 
that in all cases of charges of wrong-doing or impropriety 
of any kind against any person in the Indian service, the 
presumption is in the accused person's favor. "^^ 

Herbert Welsh, another representative of the Indian 
Eights Association who visited the agencies of the Great 
Sioux Eeserve in 1883, had few criticisms on the work of the 
agents, being especially pleased with conditions at the Pine 
Ridge Reservation, on which were more than eight thousand 
Indians, in charge of Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy. Like all 
agencies it consisted of a group of buildings made up of the 
agent's office, a store-house, traders' stores, a saw-mill, a 
stable, the residences of the employees, and a chapel. These 
were situated in the center of a plain, cut across by the 
White Clay Creek and surrounded by the low hills of the 
region. Cleanliness and order were the most pleasing fea- 
tures of this agency, and the Indians were beginning to show 
the effects of such surroundings. The business ability of 
this agent, Mr. Welsh declared, had saved the government 
$200,000 in the issue of rations, without depriving his wards, 
the Oglala Sioux, of what they needed. This had been pos- 
sible because the former agents had distributed surplus 
supplies, such as flour, bacon, sugar, and coifee — and the 
Indians had either allowed these goods to spoil or had sold 
them to the whites for a small part of their value. It was 
characteristic of the Indians that they would take all that 
was given them whether they had any use for it or not. Mr. 

83 Harrison's The Latest Studies on l7idian Eeservations, pp. 190, 191. 



Welsh considered it unfortunate that part of this sum saved 
from the supplies could not be used in paying the salaries of 
additional assistants at the agency. Congress had fixed 
$10,000 as the maximum sum which could be expended for 
this purpose. Three years later J. B. Harrison heard ru- 
mors that Dr. McGillycuddy had made vast sums of money 
out of Indian rations, but he declared that the only way an 
agent could appropriate Indian rations was to eat them.^^ 


The administration of Indian affairs since 1892 has cen- 
tered about the three problems of education, citizenship, and 
property rights — which are, after all, only the common 
problems of humanity. What has been the part of the In- 
dian agents in settling these questions so far as they apply 
to the three hundred thousand Indians ? Either because of 
the character of the men attracted to this work, the system 
of administration, or the difficulties inherent in the work, 
the Indian agents seem never to have given satisfaction — 
even to the politicians. Perhaps the greatest hope for the 
Indians is to be found in the fact that the people of the 
United States have been dissatisfied with the treatment of 
the red men, not only by the official representatives of the 
government but by the people who gathered on our fron- 
tiers. The greatest criticism of the Indian agents in recent 
years has not been based on dishonesty, though cases of 
fraud and graft occasionally appear; but the objections have 
arisen largely because of the partisan appointments which 
have resulted in frequent changes and in lack of independent 
action on the part of the agents. 

In spite of constant agitation, the office of Indian agent 
was never added to the list of positions to be filled by civil 

64 Welsh's Beport of a Visit to the Great Sioux Beserve, pp. 32-34; Har- 
rison's The Latest Studies on Indian Beservations, p. 20. 


service examinations. In the case of the other agency em- 
ployees the merit system was more successful, since these 
were mere appointive offices and did not require the con- 
firmation of the Senate, On March 30, 1896, President 
Cleveland, in accordance with the Civil Service Act of Jan- 
uary 16, 1883, put a large number of these minor employees 
on the civil service list, and a later order of May 6, 1896, ex- 
tended the list to all agency employees, except the agents 
and day laborers. Indians, however, might be appointed to 
any of these positions — except those of teacher, superin- 
tendent, or physician — without taking the competitive ex- 
amination.*^^ Even in these positions political influence was 
doubtless still felt, but it was at least partly eliminated. 
Not so in the case of the agent, whose office still constituted 
a senatorial ''plum" for some "deserving" friend. 

The possible result of such political patronage on the per- 
sonnel of the Indian service is well illustrated by an inci- 
dent related by Francis E. Leupp, formerly Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs. An agent had been appointed upon the 
recommendation of a certain Senator. The nominee was a 
man of good standing in his own community, well educated, 
a member of a church and apparently a good citizen. Some 
time after his appointment, the Commissioner received an 
anonymous communication containing a copy of a letter 
written to this agent by a contractor who was furnishing 
flour to his reservation. This letter conveyed the informa- 
tion that 40,000 pounds of flour had been shipped to the 
agency; also that a box of choice cigars for the agent had 
been shipped by registered mail. Moreover, the con- 
tractor suggested that the agent would do him a favor if 
he would take the samples of flour to be inspected 
from the sacks tied with green strings. Upon the receipt 
of this communication an inspection of the agency was 

60 Eeport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1896, p. 3. 



made, the sacks of flour opened were found to be those 
which had been marked as stated in the letter, and the 
papers of the agent were seized. The reply of the agent to 
the contractor was found and the evidence against him was 
so convincing that he made no attempt to clear himself. The 
Senator, however, was not so easily convinced. He argued 
that it was improbable that a man of this agent's standing 
would sell his honor and risk his position for a box of cigars, 
although, as the Commissioner pointed out, the box might 
have contained more than cigars. Several weeks dragged 
along with the suspected agent still in office. At last, the 
Commissioner announced his intention of dismissing the 
agent and informed the Senator that his only recourse would 
be an investigation by the Senate. He also declared his in- 
tention, in case this was done, of publishing the documents 
in his possession, including the letter written by the Senator 
on behalf of the agent. Needless to say, no investigation 
was requested.''^ This incident suggests very forcibly the 
fact that the strongest guarantee of honesty on the part of 
public officials, including Indian agents, is not bonds, nor 
rules, nor itemized accounts, nor inspectors, but publicity 
and freedom from political intervention. 

Since publicity was unusually difficult to secure on the In- 
dian reservations, much reliance had to be placed upon other 
systems of checks and thus the opportunity for an agent to 
work out any plan of his own was lost. In the words of an 
Indian editor, an Indian agent ''comes to the Indian done 
up in a fish net, simply because some agents are not safe 
without strings all around them."^'^ The keeping of item- 
ized accounts having failed to secure honesty, Congress in 
1909 fixed the penalty for making false entries in these ac- 
counts at a fine of from $500 to $1000 and disqualification 

«6Leupp's The Indian and His Problem, pp. 100-103. 

67 The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians, Vol. I, p. 335. 


from holding any similar office. Misunderstandings as to 
whether the official bonds of an agent covered all funds in 
his charge, whether belonging to the government or not, 
were settled by an act which made agents responsible on 
their bonds for all funds they might handle.^^ 

This dissatisfaction with civilian agents under the polit- 
ical spoils system led to the old agitation for military con- 
trol. Since the adoption of the act of 1870 army officers had 
served only in a few agencies where the hostility of the na- 
tives made military rule imperative. Between July, 1876, 
and May, 1877, four different officers served as agent at the 
Spotted Tail Agency in Nebraska, during the Sioux War,^^ 
but such occasions had been rare. The appropriation act of 
July 13, 1892, however, attempted to restore military agents 
by providing that the President should detail army officers 
as agents wherever possible. The officers, while serving as 
agents did not give bonds as was required of civilian agents, 
nor did they receive any additional salary."^" 

This was the last effort to restore the power of the mili- 
tary department in Indian affairs. The Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs was much opposed to the reinstatement of 
the military agents, claiming that civilian agents were bet- 
ter fitted for the work, even though the method of their ap- 
pointment enabled many who were inefficient to secure and 
hold positions. He also argued that the employment of of- 
ficers who were subject to the Secretary of War, in positions 
for which the Secretary of the Interior was responsible, 
would result in a lack of harmony between the office and field 
service. In spite of these objections, however. President 
Cleveland carried out the provisions of the act of Congress 

68 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXV, Part I, p. 784 ; Vol. XXX, 
p. 595. 

69 Manypenny 's Our Indian, Wards, p. 377. 

70 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXVII, pp. 120, 121, 613. 



and issued the order stationing twenty ofificers at various 
agencies. By the close of the year 1893, twenty-seven of the 
fifty-seven agents were army officers. The regulations of 
the department also prohibited the appointment of a civil- 
ian as agent on a reservation near his home, since it was be- 
lieved that this would lessen to some extent his temptation 
to make arrangements in favor of the white people near the 
reservation at the expense of the Indians. Although the 
army officers appear to have been conscientious and able in 
the performance of their duties, the movement in the Indian 
service proved to be in another direction and the number of 
officers employed gradually decreased. In 1896 there were 
forty-two civilians and sixteen military officers serving as 
agents. Ten years later only one officer was on the list. In- 
deed, the number of men of all classes who served as Indian 
agents in the strict use of that term was decreasing, for by 
1900 the number reporting was fifty-three, and by 1905 it 
had fallen to twenty-one."^ ^ 

The reason for this falling off in the number of agents is 
to be found in the increasing importance of the superin- 
tendents of the reservation schools. A beginning of this 
movement had been made in 1892 when Congress included 
in the appropriation act the provision that the superintend- 
ent of the Indian training school at Cherokee, North Caro- 
lina, should have the authority of an Indian agent and that 
the separate position of agent should be discontinued. To 
compensate the superintendent for the additional work, he 
was to receive a two hundred dollar increase in salary. He 
was also required to give bonds like any other agent. This 
combination of duties was neither unreasonable nor incon- 

71 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1893, pp. 5, 6 ; Beport of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1896, pp. 614-617; House Documents, 2nd 
Session, 59tli Congress, Vol. XV, pp. 484-487. 

VOL. XIV — 15 


sistent. The government had constantly increased the 
amount of money appropriated for the education of the In- 
dians from $10,000, voted in 1819, to $4,105,715 in 1908J2 
As the school plants increased in size and the influence of 
the superintendents and teachers became more and more a 
factor in Indian affairs, education came to be recognized as 
the best policy in managing the Indians and superseded 
charity and coercion. The allotting of many of the reserva- 
tions meant the undermining of the agent's authority, while 
the work of the school superintendent remained as impor- 
tant as before. 

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs in his report for 
1892, after protesting against the plan of substituting mili- 
tary for civilian agents and emphasizing the need of super- 
vision of the Indians even after they received allotments 
and the franchise, recommended that the school superin- 
tendents should be given the authority of agents, especially 
among the advanced tribes.''^ These Indians needed ad- 
visers and the officers in charge of the school were unusually 
well fitted for this phase of the work. The suggestion met 
with approval and on March 3, 1893, Congress passed a law 
which provided that the * ' Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
with the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, may de- 
volve the duties of any Indian agency upon the superintend- 
ent of the Indian training school located at such agency, 
whenever in his judgment such superintendent can properly 
perform the duties of such agency." The superintendents 
upon whom such duties devolved were to give bonds as other 

This change in the plan of agency administration was ap- 

72 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892, pp. 9, 10 ; United 
States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXVII, p. 122; Beport of the Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, 1908, p. 52. 

73 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892, p. 9. 

74 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXVII, p. 614. 



proved by the Indian Office and by the general public, for the 
number of agencies in which these two positions were com- 
bined increased steadily. In 1899 there were sixty-four In- 
dian agencies, presided over by fifty-six regular agents and 
eight school superintendents. By 1902 twenty-two superin- 
tendents were in charge of entire agencies, while others 
were responsible for groups of Indians in the vicinity of 
their schools, which had formerly been a part of some 
agency. This plan of breaking up the agencies into smaller 
groups with the school as the center was illustrated by the 
San Jacinto reservation in California. Originally this res- 
ervation included several bands of Indians under one agent, 
but by 1907 it had been divided into five parts, each under a 

bonded teacher who had the powers of an agent but not the 

By 1906 there were only twenty-one regular agents, while 
seventy superintendents were in charge of reservations. 
Besides these there were three farmers, one industrial 
teacher, one physician, and one army officer acting as agents. 
The appropriation act for 1907 provided that the school 
superintendents acting as agents might be paid as much as 
three hundred dollars in addition to their usual salaries, 
which were generally about the same as those of the 
agents."^ By the close of Francis E. Leupp's term as Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, in 1909, the fusion of the two 
positions had been completed. The superintendents had 
either been given the powers of agents, or wherever the 
Commissioner could certify that they were competent, the 

15 Statistics of Indian Tribes, Indian Agencies, and Indian Schools, 1899, pp. 
5, 6, et passim; Beport of the Commissioner of Indian A fairs, 1902, p. 20; 
Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1907, pp. 13, 14. 

The Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1899 gives sixty-one 
agencies, fifty-four regular agents and seven school superintendents in charge 
of agencies. 

i^Eouse Documents, 2nd Session, 59th Congress, Vol. XV, pp. 484-487; 
United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIV, Part I, p. 1020. 


agents were appointed superintendents, and when a vacancy 
occurred the new agent-superintendent was appointed under 
the civil service rules/ ^ 

Since that time the terms agent and superintendent have 
again come to be interchangeable as they had been in earlier 
times. The official title generally used is ' ' Superintendent 
and Special Disbursing Agent", but to the Indians and to 
the public in general they are still ''agents", and their du- 
ties do not differ very materially from those of the agents 
before 1892. The emphasis has been placed upon the super- 
vision of the schools and industrial training rather than 
upon the distribution of rations, but the new superintend- 
ents, like the old agents, are guardians of the Indians in 
theory if not in practice. The trader, the frontiersman, the 
army officer, the political parasite, the business manager, 
and the missionary had been tried and found wanting. It 
remained for the educator to make the attempt and the re- 
sult is yet undecided. 

The advantages of combining the two supervisory offices 
in an agency may be summed up briefly as follows. It ex- 
tended the rule of the civil service over the agents, the only 
important officers on the reservations not already on the list, 
for regular agents were appointed by the President and con- 
firmed by the Senate, with the exception of military officers ; 
while school superintendents were appointed by the Com- 
missioner from a list of those persons who had passed the 
civil service examination. The new plan secured men with 
more experience among the Indians. In 1902 out of the 
fifty-seven bonded superintendents, thirty-seven had been 
in the work continuously for from ten to twenty-four years. 
As compared with the agents, both civilian and military, 
who seldom served more than four years and often not that 
long, this was a distinct advantage, especially in a position 

■^^Leupp's The Indian and His Problem, pp. 97, 98. 



among a people who required peculiar treatment. The 
Blackfoot agency in Montana, for example, had had four 
agents in three yearsJ^ In the matter of honesty, too, the 
men appointed as superintendents appear to have been su- 
perior to the agents. Commissioner W. A. Jones, writing 
on this point in 1902, declared that not one superintendent 
had been removed for peculation, and this statement is sup- 
ported by the fact that indemnity companies charged forty 
percent less for the bonds of the superintendents than they 
did for those of the agents. In the work of the superintend- 
ent the change was beneficial in reenforcing his authority 
over those parents who refused to send their children to 
school. It also prevented interference in the work of the 
school by an agent who was not in sympathy with the aims 
of the superintendent^ 

The task of educating the Indian children, though slow, is 
proving successful. In 1901 the average attendance at the 
Indian schools was 24,077; in 1908 it was 25,964; in 1911 it 
was 23,647 ; and in 1914 it was 27,775. These figures are of 
interest when compared with the total number of children 
and with the Indian children enrolled in the regular public 
schools. In 1902, there were ninety-eight Indian children 
provided for in public schools by the United States govern- 
ment ; in 1911 there were 10,625 Indian children in the public 
schools, and in 1914 there were 25,180. Besides, there are at 
present about four thousand Indian children in private 
schools. The total number of Indian children in school in 
1914 was 57,898; those eligible but not in school numbered 
15,906 ; while 6,428 children were unable to attend because of 

78 'Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Annual Reports of the 
Department of the Interior, 1902, Indian Affairs, Part I, p. 19. Report of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1900, Part I, p. 265. 

79 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Annual Reports of the 
Department of the Interior, 1902, Indian Affairs, Part I, p. 19. Leupp's The 
Indian and Eis Prohlem, pp. 97, 98. 


illness or deformity. The total number in school in 1914 
shows a remarkable increase over the number in 1902, name- 
ly, 24,120, and 39,397 in 1911, and points to the ultimate elim- 
ination of the Indian as a separate class for educational 
purposes and the passing of the Indian agent. The attend- 
ance of Indian children at the public schools is brought 
about either by the payment of tuition by the United States, 
or by virtue of decisions of the courts that Indians who are 
tax-payers are entitled to send their children to school on 
the same terms as white children.^"' 

While these changes in the appointment of agents were 
taking place, other questions of Indian administration at- 
tracted attention. One of these questions had to do with the 
allotment of the reservations which had been begun on a 
large scale in 1887. It is of interest in this connection only 
because of the part of the agents in the work and its effect 
upon their duties and importance. The actual workings of 
the Dawes Act showed that there was need of improvement 
in some of its details. In the first place, it had shown that 
citizenship and even the franchise were not in themselves 
sufficient protection for the Indians, but even exposed them 
to several dangers from which they might otherwise have 
been protected. Besides, no distinction was made between 
competent and incompetent Indians. All allottees were 
made citizens, but none of them could become economically 
independent before the expiration of the twenty-five year 
period. The Clapp Amendment, passed as a "rider" to the 
appropriation bill of 1905,^^ made it possible for adult 
mixed-blood Indians to sell their allotments without the con- 
so Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1912, p. 11 ; Report of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1914, pp. 6, 136. 

81 Congressional Eecord, 3rd Sess., 58tli Congress, Vol. XXXIX, Part II, 
p. 1330. 



sent of the Indian Office, although minor and pure-blood In- 
dians could not. This distinction was merely a concession 
to the greed of the land and lumber companies and specu- 
lators, who coveted the farms and pine forests which re- 
mained in the possession of the Indians. No procedure for 
determining who were mixed-bloods was provided, so it was 
left to be decided by the agent of the reservation or by in- 
spectors in the Indian service. 

The result of this exemption when the agent was incom- 
petent or dishonest was extremely injurious to the Indians, 
as was shown in the case of the Ojibways at the White 
Earth Reservation in Minnesota during the years from 1905 
to 1909. The agent on this reservation at the time of the 
allotment was Simon Michelet, one of the few political 
agents at that time. The reservation, on which were valu- 
able pine lands, had already been partly allotted, but on 
April 24, 1905, the agent began making additional allot- 
ments in order to give each member of the tribe the one hun- 
dred and sixty acres which the law permitted him to receive. 
According to the report of Warren K. Moorehead, the spe- 
cial agent sent to investigate this matter in 1909, this allot- 
ment was unfair, partly because some Indians were given 
their full amount of land while others received none, and 
partly because the mixed-blood Indians, as far as the agent 
could accomplish it, were given the valuable tracts. Mr. 
Moorehead reported that Agent Michelet had been on un- 
usually friendly terms with the representatives of the 
Nichols-Chisolm Lumber Company, and other persons inter- 
ested in the purchase of the pine timber. Since the mixed- 
blood Indians could sell their lands and the others could not 
do so legally, it was to the interest of these men to so ar- 
range that the mixed-blood Indians would draw the choice 
tracts. The first to receive an allotment was a white girl, 
Margaret Lynch, who obtained a tract worth $22,000. Full- 


blood Indians were pushed out of line with the consent and 
upon the order of the agent, or they were told that the tracts 
they desired had been already drawn, although not a suf- 
ficient number of people preceded them in the line to have 
selected the entire list presented. 

The policeman of the agency testified that ''Agent Simon 
Michelet came out of his office in an excited manner, and 
told me to keep the Indians out and let the mixed-bloods 
in. ' ' Immediately after the drawing, there was a scramble 
to secure the lands of the mixed-bloods, nor were the specu- 
lators particular to ascertain that the Indian who had land 
to sell was really a mixed-blood. Whiskey was freely sold 
or given to the Indians and under its influence the Indians 
made bargains which left them paupers. So determined 
were the men engaged in this swindle to keep what they had 
secured that they were ready to resort to violence and when 
Special Agent Moorehead was asked to bring his affidavits 
to Washington, he felt it necessary to drive forty-five miles 
to Ogema, rather than risk the danger of their interference 
at Park Rapids, the usual railroad station, and even then he 
was escorted by eight armed men. Inspector E. B. Linnen 
was then associated with Mr. Moorehead and the investiga- 
tion was continued. In the case of the adult mixed-bloods 
nothing could be done since they were politically and eco- 
nomically independent, but wherever it appeared that other 
Indians had sold land action w as begun to recover the prop- 

An attempt was made to prevent such conditions on the 
reservations by the amendment to the Dawes Act known as 
the Burke Act of May 8, 1906. This law made the granting 
of the patent in fee instead of the trust patent the occasion 
for conferring citizenship upon the Indians, although the 
Indians to whom allotments had already been made re- 

82 Moorehead 's The American Indian, pp. 67-76. 



mained citizens and voters. Another feature of this law 
made it possible for any Indian, whom the Secretary of the 
Interior considered competent, to receive his patent in fee 
before the expiration of the twenty-five years, without spe- 
cial legislation.*^ The agent was thus enabled to retain the 
guardianship of the Indians until they proved that they 
were able to take care of themselves. 

Another change in the agency system which became im- 
portant at this time was the elimination of the ration dis- 
tribution. Ordinarily these consisted of beef, flour, corn, 
coffee, sugar, beans, bacon, salt, soap, baking-powder, and 
sometimes rice and hominy. The agents had always been 
instructed that these rations were not to be given to Indians 
who were able to work but would not do so when they had an 
opportunity. Such a rule on many reservations could not 
be obeyed and became practically of no effect. The granting 
of rations had sometimes been refused, as a punishment to 
compel restitution for some crime, or to persuade obstinate 
Indians to send their children to school ; but the natives had 
come to believe that the whites owed them a living and that 
work was an imposition to cheat them out of what was law- 
fully theirs. 

The men in charge of the Indian Office thus began to be- 
lieve that this willingness of the Indians to live on the gov- 
ernment rations was really prejudicial to their advancement, 
even though the government did owe them the money. 
Agents began to enforce the regulations which excluded 
certain classes from the ration list. The first attempt to do 
this on a large scale was made in the Sioux agencies, which 
in the thirty years previous to 1900 had received supplies 
valued at $60,000,000. In 1901 letters were sent to all the 
Sioux agents directing them to revise the ration lists. The 

83 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIV, Part I, pp. 182, 183. 


names of all Indians who were self-supporting were erased 
and those who were partially able to support themselves 
were to be given only what they needed, while those who 
could work and refused to do so were not to be given any- 
thing. All Indians drawing government salaries, except the 
Indian police who were poorly paid in comparison with their 
services, were also to be dropped from the list. Among the 
Sioux agencies the number included in this class was over 
one hundred and fifty and their salaries ranged from $840 
to $120 per annum. School employees who received as much 
as $300 per year in addition to maintenance were also ex- 
cluded. The abuse of the ration system is evident from 
some of these regulations. Later in the year, the same no- 
tices were sent to all agencies where rations had been dis- 
tributed. In January, 1902, the Indians were informed that 
all who were able-bodied would not be given rations, but 
would be paid a dollar and a quarter for eight hours work 
about the agency. Arrangements were also made to secure 
work for the Indians off the reservations, the agents thus 
conducting employment bureaus in addition to their other 
duties. In spite of the opposition of the Indians who pre- 
ferred rations without work, and their sympathetic friends 
who considered the regulation cruel, the plan was carried 
out — the first result being the reduction of the list of those 
receiving supplies by about 12,000. By 1911 it was esti- 
mated that less than 21,000 Indians were recipients of ra- 
tions and it was hoped that the number would become less as 
the Indians became self-supporting.^* 

Another time-honored custom of the agency system which 
disappeared during this recent period was the granting of 
passes by the agents to Indians who wished to leave the res- 

8* Harrison's The Latest Studies on Indian Ecservations, p. 23; Eeport of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1902, pp. 2-9; Eeport of the Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, 1911, p. 15. 



ervation. Until 1904 this was a rule of the Indian Office and 
it became the cherished desire of the Indians to obtain such 
a paper, whether they needed it or not. Many of the In- 
dians were harmless but lazy and shiftless, and an agent, 
although he had no reason for refusing a pass, did not hesi- 
tate to write very plainly concerning the bearer of the pass, 
who, of course, could not read it himself. The following 
illustration of this practice is cited by Francis E. Leupp : 


Lazy Jake, to Tvliom this paper has been issued, is a thoroughly 
worthless and unreliable Ballyhoo Indian. 

R. Van Winkle, 

JJ. S. Indian Agentfi^ 

The Indian went away satisfied and of course imposed on 
no one to whom he proudly displayed this testimonial. The 
pass system was gradually abolished and consequently this 
duty of the agents was discontinued. 

Another reform which touched the work of the agents was 
the ruling of December 17, 1909, concerning the collection 
of debts from Indians, by which agents were forbidden to 
assist creditors in collecting from Indian debtors. Previous 
to this time — although it had been prohibited as early as 
1880 — creditors had presented their bills to the superin- 
tendents in charge of the reservations. To avoid com- 
plaints, all debts incurred before 1909 were investigated by 
the Indian Office and it was found in many cases that not 
more than fifty percent of the amounts claimed had been 
received by the Indians.^® 

But all these changes in the administration of Indian af- 
fairs have apparently left the work of the agent or superin- 
tendent as complex as it was before. An agent in the 

85 Leupp 's The Indian and Eis Problem, pp. 221-223. 

86 Beport of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1912, pp. 10, 11. 


Southwest during the first decade of the twentieth century 
has been described as a man who ' ' sat in a swivel chair, for 
four consecutive years, practically every day from eight in 
the morning till five in the evening, hearing complaints, is- 
suing orders, writing letters, opening bids, signing leases, 
supervising accounts, drawing checks, settling domestic dis- 
putes, exercising the functions of a guardian for orphan 
children, unravelling the intricacies of heirship in families 
where nobody knows certainly his blood relationship to any 
body else, adjusting debts and credits between individual 
Indians, preparing cases for the prosecution of dram sellers 
or the ejection of intruders, and devising forms for legal 
instruments which will save some remnant for the Indian 
after the white man gets through stripping him. In all these 
four years he has had less than twenty days' vacation. His 
immediate recreations have been an occasional visit to an 
outlying pay-station; an appearance in court as a witness 
against some one who is trying to rob the poor people in his 
care; or a personal inspection of an Indian's property at a 
distance, when a white contractor or a railroad company 
wants to make a doubtful use of it."^'^ Nor were these du- 
ties performed without active opposition from the whites 
who surrounded the reservation. Colonel Day, the agent 
for the Southern Utes, defended the Indians against the at- 
tempts of the people of Colorado to move them to Utah, and 
was threatened by the white settlers with injuries and in- 
dignities, including the boycott of the newspaper of which 
he was the editor, and such treatment as would make it im- 
possible for his family to remain in Durango, Colorado.^^ 

A description of the work of an Indian superintendent 
practically similar to that above, was given in 1914 by Den- 
nison Wheelock, an Oneida Indian, although the greater 

87 Leupp 's Tlie Indian and His ProMem, p. 104. 

88 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1895, p. 1002. 



emphasis upon educational work is apparent. The follow- 
ing are the words of this man who is fairminded enough to 
see the good which the United States has attempted as well 
as the evil which it is unable or unwilling to prevent : 

An agent on an Indian reservation is charged with the care and 
control of every Indian residing on his particular reservation ; if an 
Indian desires to sell his land, the agent secures a buyer and ar- 
ranges the sale for him ; if an Indian wants to buy a cow, the agent 
finds the cow and arranges for its purchase ; if an Indian determines 
on farming his allotment, the agent furnishes the implements, the 
seed and the instruction for him ; if he wants to send his children to 
school, the agent arranges for their transportation and physical ex- 
amination, and for the maintenance, care, discipline, clothing, board, 
lodging and general comfort of such children while at school. The 
office of the agent is the probate court for the settlement and dis- 
tribution of the estates of deceased Indians. He is the policeman 
and judge of the criminal court. He is responsible for all the prop- 
erty belonging to the government ; for the efficiency and competency 
of all the employees under him ; for the education and civilization of 
the thousands of Indians under his charge and for the wise and 
economical expenditure of funds appropriated by the government 
for use on his reservation. 

Mr. Wheelock also regretted the lack of authority and in- 
itiative on the part of these officers and the possibility of 
interference by some clerk at Washington who could not 
understand the situation. He further declared that the av- 
erage salary of $2000 a year would never attract the class of 
men needed in the work. The trouble, in his estimation, was 
with the system, at least as much as with the men who did 
the work. This opinion is summed up in the statement that 
such * ' SL system cannot be expected to accomplish very much 
of benefit and never has. 

Another Indian, in an editorial on the subject of Indian 
agents declared that men accepted these positions for one of 

89 The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians, Vol. I, pp. 366- 


four reasons. Some needed a "job", some were dishonest 
and hoped to make money out of their dealings with the 
''dirty redskins", some thought the place an easy one, while 
others really hoped to succeed in a work in which others had 
failed. The editor had no illusions about the difficulty of 
the work of the agent, for he asserted that ''Joe Pete, our 
Kickapoo friend, said there are things he would not do 
'even for four banks full of money.' This is one I would- 
n't."®" It must have been to the third class that the agent 
belonged concerning whom Mr. Leupp tells the following 
story. He had just appointed a new superintendent and on 
visiting the reservation, found that the Indians were making 
unreasonable demands on his time. He remonstrated with 
them, concluding with the remark, ' ' Now, I want you to re- 
member that an Agent, like every body else, must have some 
time to rest!" In the pause which followed, an old Indian 
called out, "The last Agent rested all the time !"®^ 

The present system of administering Indian reservations 
is characterized by the encouragement given the Indians to 
leave the reservations and become an integral part of the 
citizenship of the State. It is also marked by the tendency 
to increase the number of reservations, since by this means 
the work of a superintendent is made more personal and 
effective. According to the Commissioner's report in 1912, 
there were 157 superintendents with an average salary of 
about $1,691 ; 719 employees engaged in general administra- 
tion; 2401 persons giving instruction of various kinds; 766 
police; 311 persons engaged in the department of health; 
140 in forestry; and 525 unclassified — a total of 5019 em- 
ployees in the Indian service.''^ 

«<> The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians, Vol. I, pp. 334, 

91 Leupp 's The Indian and His Problem, pp. 4, 5. 

92 Beport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1912, p. 305. 




From the preceding- sketch of the administration of Indian 
affairs, it is evident that the history of the work of the In- 
dian agents in the United States may be divided, more or 
less arbitrarily, into six periods. Each period has been 
characterized by some peculiar purpose or plan of admin- 
istration ; and yet in spite of these differences, the continuity 
of the work has been unbroken. Sometimes the agencies 
have been maintained for the benefit of the white men, some- 
times they have been largely concerned with the welfare of 
the Indians. Occasionally they appear to have existed 
largely for the purpose of satisfying political debtors. 

The first period covers the colonial history of the English 
settlements. With reference to Indian affairs, this period 
was marked by the emphasis on the commercial and military 
work of the representatives of the governments, and by the 
lack of agreement among the various provincial and Crown 
agents. Each colony wanted the trade of the Indians and 
sometimes their military support, and each was willing to 
make some concessions to obtain what it wanted. The In- 
dian agents at this time were diplomatic representatives, 
commercial travellers, and military officers by turns. Al- 
though an effort was made to convince the Indians that these 
men were sent out for the benefit of the natives, their funda- 
mental purpose was the strengthening of the particular gov- 
ernment they represented. 

The second period covered the Revolutionary War and the 
years under the Articles of Confederation. It is character- 
ized by the emphasis upon the diplomatic work of the agents. 
Trade, land purchases, and education among the Indians 
were made subordinate to the struggle for independence. 
The system was as chaotic as its purpose was patriotic. The 
early period had been one of formation, the second was one 
of readjustment. So far as Indian administration was con- 


cerned the government simply marked time. The Indians 
were useful friends but dangerous enemies, and the agents 
were instructed to make every effort to win their friendship. 

When the new Constitution was inaugurated in 1789 a 
more definite policy of administering Indian affairs became 
possible. This third period, which ended in 1849 was 
marked by the extension of white settlements westward and 
the constant removal of the Indians to new hunting-grounds. 
It became the chief duty of the agents to hold back the ad- 
vancing pioneers, and at the same time to urge the Indians 
forward. The Indian asked but one thing of the white man 
— that he be let alone. The white man, likewise, wanted but 
one thing of the Indian — his land. The one thing an agent 
was expected to accomplish was the transplanting of the In- 
dians. The pioneer cared not at all where the Indian went, 
his only demand was that he be removed from the land which 
the settler coveted. 

After 1849 two changes took place in the conduct of In- 
dian affairs. The supervision of the work was transferred 
from the War Department to the Secretary of the Interior, 
and a policy of consolidation and segregation took the place 
of simple removal. The agents were appointed theoretically 
to carry out the plans of the government and to distribute 
the supplies and money which had been promised to the In- 
dians in return for their lands. As a matter of fact, much 
of the money appropriated for the relief of the Indians went 
into the pockets of political spoilsmen. 

Then came a period of attempted reform. During the 
years between 1870 and 1892 an effort was made to substi- 
tute religious control for political influence and also to estab- 
lish political and economic independence in the place of 
paternalism. The chief purpose was the reformation of the 
Indian service and the incorporation of the Indians into the 
body politic. The government agents were to be spiritual 



and educational leaders of the Indians. A great deal was 
accomplished, but all efforts proved ineffective to protect 
the Indians from the greed of their white neighbors. 

To supplement these movements, the United States gov- 
ernment began to emphasize education in order to give the 
Indians intellectual independence, without which economic 
and political rights have been as useless to them as houses 
built on sand. Beginning with 1892 the government began 
the correlation of the schools and the agencies. The agents 
had always been expected to teach the Indians some of the 
lessons of civilization, but now the teachers were to be the 
agents. The purpose was no longer to be the separation of 
the Indians from the whites, but the preparation of the In- 
dians for taking their places in the state along with the white 

Throughout these periods, the agents have lived and 
worked among the Indians as more or less faithful expo- 
nents of the motives which sent them there. Persuasion, 
bribery, intimidation, whiskey, robbery, charity, coercion, 
reason, the franchise, property rights, and education have 
been used by turns to accomplish the varying purposes of 
the white men. The government is still spending nearly 
$10,000,000 a year through the Indian Office and the amount 
is increasing. Has the work of the Indian agents then been 
an entire failure? Success must be judged by the obstacles 
overcome as well as by the results accomplished. The dif- 
ficulties in this work have been many. The agent, even when 
honest, has been handicapped by red tape and political in- 
trigues above him, by native indolence and superstition 
below him, and by greed and contempt for the Indians in the 
whites around him. The results may be seen in the lists of 
prominent Indian citizens, in more than $900,000,000 worth 
of property held by native Americans, in 180,000 Indian 
land-holders and almost 60,000 Indian children in various 

VOL. XIV — 16 


schools.^^ How far from successful the work has been may 
be read in the broken treaties, the massacres, the graft, and 
the other features which have made the history of our rela- 
tions with the Indians so frequently a disgrace to the civili- 
zation we profess. The work is incomplete, but not entirely 
a failure. In the words of an Indian editor, "Lo, the poor 
Indian agent ! Who shall lighten his burden, who shall make 
his name honorable, and who shall give him understanding 
and clear the way that he may work honestly, intelligently 
and to good purpose whether he wills it or not? 

Bute A. Gtallahee 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City Iowa 

93 Moorehead's The American Indian, pp. 26, 27. 

The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians, Vol. I, p. 337. 



Iowa has contributed largely to the settlement and devel- 
opment of the region extending westward from the Missouri 
Eiver to the Pacific Ocean. The reason, in part at least, is 
to be found in the position which Iowa occupied with respect 
to the great westward movement which with amazing rapid- 
ity conquered the wild, unsubdued regions of the West. 
Located where many channels of travel naturally converged, 
on the border of the great dry plains beyond, the movement 
was here halted for a time and Iowa became a way-station 
where thousands of people recuperated their strength and 
fortunes and gained valuable frontier experience before 
pressing on further to the West. 

It is interesting, therefore, to note that a large number of 
the men who were active and influential in laying founda- 
tions for the Commonwealth of Iowa were afterward, to an 
even greater extent and in a more conspicuous way, influen- 
tial in building up the States of the Pacific Coast. Augus- 
tus Caesar Dodge, then Delegate to Congress from the Ter- 
ritory of Iowa, said in Congress during the debate on the 
resolution to terminate the treaty of joint occupancy and 
extend the laws of the United States over Oregon, that "a 
very large proportion of the population of Oregon has gone 
thither from Iowa, and I have, from sympathy and associa- 
tion, a feeling of strong attachment for them, and for the 
pioneer in whatever part of the country his lot may be 

Many of these men did not tarry long in Iowa, but some 

^ Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 29tli Congress, p. 345. 



of them will be readily recognized by anyone acquainted 
with the history of this Commonwealth. For instance, there 
was Morton M. McCarver who, with his brother-in-law, first 
settled on the land now occupied by the city of Burlington, 
Iowa. Having lived here about ten years, he went to Ore- 
gon, where he became Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives in the provisional government, as well as one of the 
early promoters of the settlement and development of both 
Oregon and California. He was the owner of the townsite 
of Tacoma, and was the first adult buried in its cemetery. 

Another was William H. Wallace, familiarly called 
*'Hank". He was the Speaker of the House in the First 
Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Iowa and thus 
played an important part in legislation of that session, con- 
stituting what is known as The Old Blue Book, which was 
adopted by the provisional government of Oregon in 1843 
and was for many years the law of all the country west of 
the Rocky Mountains between the forty-second and forty- 
ninth parallels of latitude.^ For sixteen years he lived in 
Henry County where he took a prominent part in politics. 
Then he emigrated to Washington Territory, where he first 
served in the legislature and afterward became Grovernor 
and Delegate to Congress. Still later he moved to Idaho, 
the people of which Territory also elected him, successively, 
as Governor and as Delegate to Congress. 

Again, there was W. W. Chapman, the first Delegate to 
Congress from the Territory of Iowa. After moving to Ore- 
gon he became one-third owner of the townsite of the city 
of Portland, one-half owner of the first steamship sent out 
from the Columbia River, and the original prospector of the 
railroad that later came to be known as the Oregon Short 
Line. Other men whose names appear prominently in the 
annals of both Iowa and Oregon are Berryman Jennings, 
2 See The Iowa Journal of Histoet and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 510-512. 



who was the first school teacher in the Iowa country ; Sam- 
uel E. Thurston, whose short career in Iowa and Oregon 
was remarkably efficient; George H. Williams, judge of the 
first judicial district of Iowa and presidential elector in 
1852, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Oregon, United 
States Senator, United States Attorney Greneral, and mem- 
ber of the Joint High Commission with Great Britain to set- 
tle the Civil War Claims; and Delazon Smith, called 
Delusion Smith or the ''Last Tyler Man", an active Demo- 
crat in Iowa, and a member of the constitutional convention 
and the legislature of Oregon. Robert Kinney, Levi Scott, 
J, C. Holgate, and many other one-time citizens of Iowa, 
although not prominent in history, played useful parts in 
settling and developing the great Northwest. 

Because he is not so well known and because he typifies 
the movement of population which spread with great rapid- 
ity from Portland, Maine, to Portland, Oregon, it is the 
purpose of this paper to present the main features of the 
career of Samuel R. Thurston. 

Samuel Royal Thurston was born in Monmouth, Kennebec 
County, Maine, in the year 1816. While he was still young 
his parents moved to the western part of the State, and his 
boyhood was passed in the narrow valley of the Androscog- 
gin, where that river breaks out of the White Mountains 
near the little village of Peru. It is a region characteristic 
of the wilder parts of New England. The rough, rugged 
ridges of the mountains, sparsely covered with birch and 
pine, crowd in close to the stream, leaving but little land 
from which the hardy farmer may dig out the bare neces- 
sities of life.^ 

In common with all New England youth, the desire for 

3 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, p. 114, note; The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. XV, p. 153. 


education grew strong in the bosom of young Thurston ; and 
as with many others, in proportion to the desire were the 
difficulties in the way of its gratification. His father was 
poor and it was only by hard labor and close economy that 
he was able to provide for those at home. Without means, 
without influential friends, Thurston started out alone to 
work his way, resolute in his pursuit of knowledge. He first 
went to the Wesleyan Seminary at Eeadfield, which was not 
far from his home. There is reason to think that he after- 
ward attended two or three other institutions of learning, 
for in his diary, written many years later, he speaks of meet- 
ing an old Dartmouth College chum. The records of Bow- 
doin College, however, show that he graduated from that 
institution in 1843. Bowdoin College was in the forefront of 
American colleges at that time. Its requirements were high, 
its curriculum comprehensive, and its faculty composed of 
strong, able instructors. A galaxy of men famous in our 
history pointed with pride to the Bowdoin of that day as 
their alma mater, and the lustre of the names of Henry 
Wadsworth Longfellow and Franklin Pierce rested upon it. 
Thurston is said to have gained distinction in debate while 
in college. 

He was twenty-seven years of age when he received his 
degree. Occasional glimpses reveal what his education must 
have cost him: the long hours of work before and after 
school, the hard labor during vacations, the necessity of 
leaving school for a year to work, and the close economy 
which he must always practice. Indeed, the habit of econ- 
omy became so deeply ingrained in him that throughout his 
life he never could indulge in any needless expense and he 
always kept an account of all expenditures. The securing of 
an education was a long, hard task for Thurston.* Like 

* Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, p. 114; The Quarterly of the Oregon 
Historical Society, Vol. XV, pp. 153, 193; Cleaveland 's History of Bowdoin 
College, p. 590. 



grooving a crop in that thin New England soil, an education 
came only by persistent efforts and hard knocks. 

After his graduation Thurston began the study of law in 
the city of Brunswick, Maine, and was admitted to the bar 
in 1845. Thereupon he at once repaired to his native county 
and was married to Miss Elizabeth F. McClench; and the 
young couple set out to seek a home in Iowa, which was then 
the far West. It indicates the course of the westward move- 
ment and the fact that the sun of opportunity shone bright 
over Iowa at this time that a young man of Thurston's 
genius and equipment, coming fresh from the halls of learn- 
ing and the eastern verge of our land, should have chosen 
Iowa as his arena for action. 

Thurston at once sought out modest quarters at Burling- 
ton and put up his shingle as an attorney at law. Soon af- 
terward he was appointed solicitor for Des Moines County. 
On November 29, 1845, however, only three or four months 
after his arrival in Burlington, he purchased of the firm of 
Clarke and Tizzard an interest in the Iowa Territorial Ga- 
zette and Burlington Advertiser, and became its editor in 
the place of James Clarke whose share he had purchased. 
This paper was the organ of the Democratic party, and was 
perhaps the most influential newspaper in the Territory at 
that time. It had been launched at Belmont in December, 
1836, by James Clarke, who had been foreman of the Demo- 
cratic State Journal of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and had 
had newspaper experience in St. Louis. When the seat of 
government of Wisconsin Teritory was temporarily located 
at Burlington in 1837 Clarke moved his paper thither and 
for several years enjoyed the profits of the public printing.^ 

5 TTie History of Des Moines County (Chicago: Western Historical Company, 
1879), pp. 413, 414; Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Gov- 
ernors of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 315, 316. James Clarke was appointed Governor of 
the Territory of Iowa in 1845. 


In 1845 a number of the most prominent men in the Terri- 
tory of Iowa lived at Burlington, which still retained some- 
thing of the distinction of having been the Territorial 
capital for several years. It was an influential position, 
therefore, that Thurston took when he assumed the editor- 
ship of the Iowa Territorial Gazette and Burlington Adver- 

The period of Thurston's editorship was an exciting one 
in Iowa, and many important matters received his editorial 
comment. The affairs of the great Mormon Church, then 
located not far below Burlington on the Mississippi River, 
were coming to a crisis. The hostility of the citizens of Il- 
linois had been aroused to such an extent that open warfare 
had broken out. Governor Ford had secured an armistice 
upon the promise of the leaders of the Church that they 
would leave the State. Consequently the year 1846 wit- 
nessed the making of the Mormon Trail across the Terri- 
tory of Iowa and the hegira of that great body of people to 
their Winter Quarters across the river from the present 
site of Council Bluffs.'' This, likewise, was the period of 
the Mexican War and the victories of Palo Alto and Resaca 
de la Palma were chronicled. Besides, the people of Iowa 
were at this time much agitated over the question of state- 

The files of the paper were not available to the writer, but 
from other sources it is possible to construct an outline of 
Thurston's policies. He was a staunch Democrat, being a 
firm believer in the principles of that party as laid down by 
Andrew Jackson; and he was a strong supporter of James 
K. Polk. He would have joined in an agreement to consol- 
idate the party by a campaign of conquest in Mexico and by 
a demand for the whole of Oregon under the slogan of 

8 See Van der Zee's The Mormon Trails in Iowa in The Iowa Journal op 
History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 3-16. 


"Fifty-four forty or fight". He was not, however, a pro- 
slavery Democrat. He was not in favor of extending slav- 
ery into free territory, or of protecting the rights of masters 
to go into free territory and claim slaves. He claimed that 
the Southerners did not desire the extension of slavery, but 
were interested merely in defending it where it already ex- 
isted, against the menace of the northern abolitionists. He 
ably opposed the Whigs on the tariff question, and no doubt 
played his part in convincing the people of Iowa at that 
time, contrary to what has been their pronounced belief sub- 
sequently, that a tariff for revenue only was for their inter- 
ests. He was opposed to national banks; and he warmly 
supported the principles embodied in the State Constitution 
drawn up in 1844 and twice rejected by the people because 
of the boundaries imposed by Congress. He contended with 
vigor for the retention of both rivers, the Missouri and the 
St. Peters, as the natural boundaries for the proposed State 
of lowa.''^ 

But the matter which occupied most space in Thurston's 
editorial columns and which for him had a strong and grow- 
ing interest, was the claim of the United States, against 
Great Britain, to the whole of the Pacific Northwest. Since 
1843 the newspapers of Iowa had been publishing all the in- 
formation they could get about that subject. Before he 
came to Iowa Thurston had read many of Hall J. Kelley's 
papers and circulars, and as a result his arguments upon 
that question were complete, strong, and conclusive in favor 
of the abrogation of the agreement of joint occupancy. 

The name of the paper was changed late in 1846 to the 
Iowa State Gazette. Upon all the questions involved in the 

7 This statement of Thurston's editorial policies was made up from extracts 
from the Burlington paper printed in the Iowa Capitol Beporter (Iowa City) 
during this period ; and from the political views expressed in Thurston 's diary, 
written two years later, which is published in The Quarterly of the Oregon His- 
torical Society, Vol. XV, pp. 153-205. 



Constitution adopted in 1846, under which Iowa was ad- 
mitted into the Union as a State on December 28th of that 
year, the influence of Samuel R. Thurston was doubtless 
pronounced. It is also safe to say that he contributed in no 
small way to the Democratic successes of the period, al- 
though the measure of such influence can never be made. 

Thurston's mind had been turning more and more to 
Oregon, where he saw visions of great opportunities for 
men of his type. In him the difficulties and dangers of the 
long, toilsome, overland journey aroused no dread: the 
obstacles to be overcome only made the goal the more attrac- 
tive. He sold his interest in the Gazette early in the spring 
of the year 1847 and made preparations to join a party 
which was about to set out for Oregon. 

It is not difficult to picture that caravan as it assembled at 
the appointed place. W. W. Chapman, the first Delegate 
to Congress from the Territory of Iowa, and his brother, 
and others who had spent several years in Iowa were there. 
Each one, with such mementoes or keepsakes as he could not 
cast away, and with the outfit and provisions necessary for 
the long journey, came to the rendezvous. There were 
heavy wagons with high boxes made tight so that they might 
be used as boats in crossing streams, and with tops of white 
canvass upheld by bows of shaved saplings — wagons which 
were drawn by from two to six yoke of oxen. There were 
also a number of horses and perhaps a herd of cattle. Such 
were the emigrant trains which in those days crossed the 
wide plains, went through the South Pass, down the rough 
and rocky gorges of the western side, over the Blue Moun- 
tains, to the valley of the Columbia. The journey usually 
required seven months. The Mormons had just made their 
road along the north side of the Platte River, and the Iowa 
party probably followed that route.^ 

8 See the writer's article on The Mormon Boad in The Washington Historical 
Quarterly, Vol. VI, No. 4. 



It is said that in the fall of the year 1847 S. Thurston 
lived in one of the four houses which constituted Robert 
Moore 's new town called Linn City, located on the western 
bank of the Willamette opposite Oregon City.^ There, with 
his wife and child, Samuel R. Thurston began his life in the 
Pacific Northwest. He came at a critical moment. Friction 
and disturbance had arisen out of the difficulties which had 
been aggravated by the postponing of the settlement of the 
joint occupancy question. The massacre of Marcus Whit- 
man and the destruction of his mission occurred only a few 
weeks after Thurston's arrival, filling the minds of the peo- 
ple with dread and apprehension. Thurston was young, 
brilliant, handsome, splendidly educated, with an indomit- 
able will, and almost insanely ambitious. He became the 
fitting instrument at the opportune moment to accomplish a 
terrible wrong. 

In order to show the full effect of the action of Thurston 
just referred to it is necessary to explain the conditions 
existing in Oregon previous to his arrival. After the sale 
of John Jacob Astor's trading post at the mouth of the 
Columbia River the Hudson's Bay Company of Great Brit- 
ain remained the undisputed master of the whole Pacific 
Northwest. It was a great, rich corporation, with headquar- 
ters in London and a score of forts and trading-posts scat- 
tered all over the Northwest. Its ships sailing into the 
Columbia and its regular caravans, going overland by way 
of the Red River, kept up a profitable commerce with the 
outside world. The headquarters of this Company on the 
Pacific Coast was at Vancouver, on the north side of the 
Columbia, less than thirty miles from Oregon City. 

At the head of the Hudson's Bay Company in the North- 
west, and possessing almost absolute power over all its in- 

9 Bancroft's Eistory of Oregon, Vol. II, p. 3. 


terests in that region, was Dr. John McLoughlin. He was a 
Canadian, a man of commanding presence, as well as a man 
of culture and of broad, liberal ideas. He was a just man, 
kindly, humane, and generous. By the force of his charac- 
ter the whole army of employees of that great Company 
had been held in perfect control; and by the same means, 
without oppression or bloodshed, he had controlled the va- 
rious tribes of Indians with whom the Company carried on 
trade, so that each looked up with respect and fear to the 
great White Eagle at Vancouver and was willing to obey 
his commands. For many years he had conducted the dif- 
ferent branches of the Company's business in such a man- 
ner that it had become immensely profitable.^*^ 

In 1829, before any white man had come from the States, 
Dr. McLoughlin had permitted some of the employees of the 
Company to retire from its service, and settle upon the rich 
plains of the middle Willamette River. He had visited that 
region in the same year, and noting the wild magnificence of 
the falls, probably with the thought that some day, if people 
ever came there, the falls might be valuable as water power, 
he located a claim, and began the digging of a mill race and 
the erection of a mill. By the time of the coming of the first 
Methodist missionary, in 1834, Dr. McLoughlin had made 
numerous improvements. He had erected three buildings, 
one of them a warehouse, and had blasted out a race-way 
for a saw-mill, and by the time of the coming of the ''Lau- 
sanne" with the great mission reenforcement in 1840, the 
site was everywhere known as Dr. McLoughlin 's claim.^^ 

During the years 1832 and 1833 the Macedonian cry of the 
Indians of the Pacific Northwest echoed through the Chris- 

10 This estimate of Dr. McLoughlin 's character and abilities is based on state- 
ments of American contemporaries who had no reason to be unduly prejudiced 
in his favor. See Holman's Dr. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 
190-196; 272-286. 

11 Holman's Dr. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 102, 103. 



tian churches of the East, and great enthusiasm was 
aroused. The first to respond to this appeal was the Meth- 
odist Church, which organized a vanguard to accompany 
"Wyeth across the plains on his second expedition to the 
Columbia Valley in 1834. The leader of this vanguard, and 
until 1843 the head of the Methodist missions in Oregon, was 
Jason Lee, a shrewd man, devoted to his church. 

Lee passed by all the tribes of eastern Washington and 
Oregon and of Idaho, and went down to the Willamette and 
the coast. Upon his coming he was most hospitably received 
and entertained by Dr. McLoughlin, by whom every cour- 
tesy was extended. When the ''May Dacre" arrived with 
the rest of the party and their goods. Dr. McLoughlin 
sent men and boats to convey them all to the place they had 
selected for their Mission, which was on French Prairie 
ten miles above the site of the present city of Salem. He 
also gave them provisions and tools and loaned them cattle. 
And when in 1838 Jason Lee had started East for reenforce- 
ments. Dr. McLoughlin dispatched messengers to notify him 
of the sudden death of his wife shortly after his departure. 
These messengers did not overtake Mr, Lee until he reached 
the Pawnee Mission in eastern Kansas. "From its begin- 
ning, and for several years after, the successful mainte- 
nance of the Methodist Mission in Oregon was due to the 
friendly attitude and assistance of Dr. McLoughlin ".^^ In- 
deed, Dr. McLoughlin, who was a religious man, did not 
decide to join the Eoman Catholic Church until 1842. 

The Methodist Mission, as a mission to the Indians, was 
never successful. From causes, not yet fully explained, the 
Indians of the Willamette and lower Columbia Valleys, 
which up to that time had been numerous, about the time of 

12 Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 54-59. See also 
pp. 180-185 where are printed excerpts from Jason Lee's journal bearing testi- 
mony to the kindness shown the Americans by Dr. McLoughlin. 


the planting of the Mission began to sicken and die until, 
about the year 1840, they had almost wholly disappeared. 
As a result the Mission became chiefly a colonizing and com- 
mercial enterprise, and in 1843 the church authorities in 
New York sent out Dr. George Geary with discretionary 
powers, but with authorization to close up its work. This 
he did, and sold out all the property of the Mission to its 
members, except the station at the Dalles. Nevertheless, 
large additional reenforcements, both lay and clerical, were 
sent out. Previous to the first immigration to Oregon, in 
1842, which came under the leadership of Elijah White, who 
was sent out by the government as sub-agent for the In- 
dians, the members of the Methodist Mission in Oregon ex- 
ceeded all the other white people in that country, outside of 
the employees of the Hudson's Bay Company.^'^ Its sta- 
tions at the mouth of the Columbia, at the Dalles, and along 
the Willamette, occupied strategic positions, and became 
centers of population. Naturally its members became lead- 
ing and influential men. Elijah White, the first and for 
many years the only representative of the United States 
government, George Abernethy, J udge Waite, J. L. Parrish, 
J. Q. Thornton, and many other influential men, were mem- 
bers of the Mission. Indeed, Oregon was fortunate in hav- 
ing educated men to lay the foundations of the Common- 

The immigration of 1842 was small, but that of 1843^* and 
the four subsequent years brought thousands of people into 
the country. Most of these immigrants were hostile to the 
British. Their fathers had fought in the Eevolutionary 
War, and they, while assisting in the upbuilding of the 
States of the Middle West, had had many experiences which 

13 Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 60-63. 
1* Many people emigrated from lovra to Oregon in 1843. See The Iowa 
Journal op History and Politics, Vol. X, pp. 415—430. 



deepened their own feelings of hostility. Many had come, 
therefore, with the purpose of helping to wrest Oregon from 
the claws of the British lion. The policy of our government 
of prolonging the term of joint occupation and of delaying 
any action upon the matter, however wise as a policy, was 
unfortunate in its effect upon those who had gone in to settle 
the country. The Hudson's Bay Company was there and 
was carrying on a vast business; and as a matter of fact, 
had as much right to be there as had the settlers. 

There is no doubt that the behaviour of Dr. McLoughlin 
was uniformly kind and hospitable toward all these immi- 
grants. He was a loyal British subject, and the responsible 
head of a great business corporation closely connected with 
the British crown; but he received the American settlers 
into the Company's quarters, sent boats and men to aid 
them, gave them supplies and clothing, and extended credit 
for supplies, tools, and stock, until the newcomers could 
make a start upon their land. Many of these people had 
lost all that they had on the long, overland journey and 
reached Oregon half naked and destitute. All of them had 
lost much and were without the necessary provisions and 
tools. Comparatively few had money with which to pay for 
what they needed. When, after the long, weary journey of 
months, they reached the "Deaths' Door" of the Cascades 
— the Dalles — they had to be rescued and helped down 
through the foaming cataract, where many lives were lost. 

There is no record that John McLoughlin ever failed to 
meet a call of distress, or to extend help. The extent of his 
services and of Oregon's debt to him can never be estimated. 
The pages of voluntary testimony that came to him after he 
was stricken with misfortune were the sole consolation of 
his declining days.^^ 

IS For testimony concerning Dr. MeLouglilin 's attitude toward the American 
settlers in Oregon, see the "Illustrative Documents" printed in Holman's Br. 
John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 175-286; and Clarke's Pioneer 
Days of Oregon Territory, pp. 226, 227. 


Of course this conduct on the part of its Chief Factor was 
displeasing to the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company. 
They and all the members of the Company could only look 
with alarm at the coming of the Americans. Men were sent 
out to investigate. Dr. McLoughlin was reprimanded and 
his presence in London was at once required. The result 
was that in 1845 he handed in his resignation from a posi- 
tion that paid him $12,000 a year ; and moved into the house 
which he had already built at Oregon City. He always 
maintained a dignified silence about all that related to the 
Company, but it has come to be well known that in the face 
of the Company he boldly asserted the rights of the Amer- 
icans, and the necessity of extending aid to them. The deci- 
sion of the Company was that he should assume all the 
credits he had given to the settlers — a large sum in the ag- 
gregate, and a good part of which was never paid.^® 

It is necessary also to mention another circumstance in 
order to explain the situation. In 1840, after the coming of 
the Great Eeenforcement" of the Mission, Jason Lee de- 
tailed Eev. A. F. "Waller to open a station at the Falls of the 
"Willamette, on Dr. McLoughlin 's claim. The Chief Factor 
gave to the church a liberal piece of his land, and a house 
and storehouse was built. In 1841, it began to be whispered 
about that Dr. McLoughlin had no right to that claim ; and 
in 1842, John Eicord, a perambulating la'svyer, was em- 
ployed by Mr. Waller to secure the land for him. There 
were no land laws. No one had any legal rights, for it was 
still the period of joint occupancy. But in 1844, in order to 
settle the matter. Dr. McLoughlin gave deeds to the Meth- 
odist Church to three blocks and eight lots and paid to the 
Eev. A. F. Waller the sum of five hundred dollars and 
secured from him a quit-claim deed of all his right and in- 

18 For an account of McLoughlin 's resignation from the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany, see Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 90-97. 



terest.^^ Furthermore in 1841, Felix Hathaway, a lay mem- 
ber of the Mission, squatted upon the island comprising 
about four acres of rocks which divides the falls into two 
parts. The island subsequently passed into the possession 
of Governor George Abernethy, and received the name of 
Abernethy's Island. This island, however, was a very im- 
portant part of Dr. McLoughlin's claim. 

In the year 1846 Dr. McLoughlin moved into his residence 
in Oregon City (as the town which grew upon his claim was 
now called), and continued to reside there until his death. 
He put in nearly all his fortune in improving and developing 
the town. In 1850, the buildings which he had erected were 
estimated as worth upwards of $90,000. He had improved 
the water-power, had built a grist-mill which was pro- 
nounced as good as any in the States, and two saw-mills, be- 
sides stores and other buildings. He had been very liberal 
in donating lots to educational institutions and churches, 
and in selling land at low prices and on long time to settlers. 
Oregon City was then the metropolis of the Territory — its 
capital and principal business point. Dr. McLoughlin had 
taken the oath of allegiance to the provisional government, 
in which he had shared; when the Territorial government 
was established in 1849, he at once, openly and in the pres- 
ence of witnesses, made declaration of his intention to be- 
come a citizen ; and he voted in the first Territorial election 
for Delegate to Congress. He did not vote for Thurston and 
told him he would not do so.^^ 

As has already been noted, about six weeks after Thurs- 
ton reached Oregon City, in October, 1847, came the news on 

17 The text of tlie agreement between Dr. McLoughlin and Eev. A. F. Waller 
is to be found in Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 
225, 226. 

18 Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 107, 114-116. 

19 Holman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 102-106, 120- 

VOL. XIV — 17 


December lOth, of the massacre and destruction at Whit- 
man's station. The wildest rumors prevailed. The Gov- 
ernor called the Council, and a volunteer company under 
Captain Lee was raised at once, and sent to save the mis- 
sionaries at the Dalles and Mr. H. H, Spaulding at Lapwai. 
Arrangements were also made for a larger force under 
Major Gilliam to proceed against the Indians, to punish 
them and to rescue captives said to be in their hands. There 
was difficulty in obtaining the required outfits, and there was 
some talk of making a forcible levy upon the stores of the 
Hudson's Bay Company. Throughout the summer of 1848 
there were reports of a general Indian uprising, vague 
stories of the Roman Catholic priests having incited the 
Indians to the massacre, tales of the Hudson's Bay people 
using their great influence to drive out the whites and sup- 
plying the Indians with arms and ammunition. The excite- 
ment continued throughout the fall and winter of 1848- 
1849, being fed by the statements of witnesses, who were 
officially examined and whose testimony seemed to corrob- 
orate these charges.^*^ 

It was amid these circumstances that Samuel E. Thurston 
began his short career in Oregon. He had always been a 
loyal member of the Methodist church and a man of decid- 
edly religious habits. He would, therefore, naturally find 
his associates among the members of that church who, as 
has been seen, were leaders in the affairs of the Territory. 
One year after his arrival Thurston was chosen a member 
of the last Council of the provisional government of Oregon, 
from Tualitin (now Marion) County. The Council should 

20 Accounts of the WMtman massacre and of the consequent excitement and 
preparations for defense among the settlers in Oregon may be found in Ban- 
croft's History of Oregon, Vol. I, Chs. XXIII, XXIV; Gray's History of 
Oregon, Ch. LXI, and other works dealing with the history of the Pacific 



have met in November, but owing to the absence of many of 
its members in California, a quorum could not be obtained. 
A special election was held and the session began on Feb- 
ruary 5, 1849. At that session Thurston came speedily to 
the front, and displayed the readiness of speech and ag- 
gressiveness of manner that gained for him such rapid ad- 
vancement. Although it was late and it was known that the 
new Governor would soon arrive, some measures of im- 
portance were passed, among them being the act for the 
coinage of money, under which $50,000 of the famous Beaver 
Money was issued ; and a resolution asking for the presence 
of United States troops to defend the colony .^^ The Coun- 
cil adjourned on February 16, 1849, and on March 3rd the 
Territorial government was inaugurated. 

It is said that Thurston had made arrangements to go to 
California with the current that was running toward the 
gold mines there. But when the proclamation was issued 
for the election of a Delegate to Congress he decided to re- 
main and enter the canvass. Oregon at that time was 
strongly Democratic. There were at least three candi- 
dates: Columbia Lancaster, J. W. Nesmith, and Samuel 
E. Thurston. Lancaster took no part in the canvass, but 
Nesmith and Thurston made an active campaign. At some 
places joint debates were held, and it is narrated that the 
settlers were surprised and pleased to see a young man 
from the East meet and overcome that old campaigner with 
his own tactics. The chief subjects discussed were the 
rights of the settlers as against the great monopoly of the 
Hudson's Bay Company and the various measures Congress 
should enact for their benefit. Thurston received 470 votes 
against 473 for all the other candidates, and was declared 
elected.22 He immediately made preparations for the jour- 

21 Bancroft 's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 58-63. 

22 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 113-116. 


ney to Washington, D. C, planning first to visit Ms old 
home in Maine.^^ 

The diary kept by Thurston from November, 1849, to 
August, 1850, recently published, is a remarkable record of 
difficult, untiring labor. It begins as he was leaving his old 
home, and tells how on his way he went to Portsmouth, Bos- 
ton, Springfield, New York, and Philadelphia, and at each 
place called upon the editors of newspapers and other prom- 
inent men with a view to presenting the claims of Oregon 
and securing their support for measures in Congress. As- 
sistance was promised by all except Horace Greeley, from 
whom, he said, ''Oregon has nothing to expect." He 
reached Washington on November 30th, and stopped at 
Gadsby's hotel. "I felt that much responsibility was upon 
me ' ' is the record in his diary on that day, ' ' and when I rec- 
ollected that the interests of all that country west of the 
Eocky mountains, and between the Latitudes 42 and 49 north 
were intrusted to my care, I resolved stronger than ever, 
that no effort of mine should remain unmade which might 
be beneficial to our noble and beloved Oregon. "^^ And then 
for eight months follows an account of incessant labors. 

The administration was Whig and Thurston was a Demo- 
crat. Oregon was almost unknown. Judge Thornton and 
Joe Meek, a relative of Mrs. Polk, and all the combined ef- 
forts of the friends of Oregon had scarcely obtained the es- 
tablishment of Oregon as a Territory. Thurston at once 
paid his respects to all the dignitaries of the national cap- 
ital and was well received. He constituted himself an infor- 
ms ' ' Thurston was in ill-health when he left Oregon. He travelled in a small 
boat to Astoria, taking six days for the trip ; by sailing vessel to San Francisco, 
and to Panama by the steamer Carolina, being ill at the last place, yet having 
to ride across the Isthmus, losing his baggage because he was not able to look 
after the thieving carriers. His determination and ambition were remarkable." 
— Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, p. 116. 

2* Diary of Samuel Royal Thurston in The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical 
Society, Vol. XV, pp. 155, 156, 159. 



mation bureau to make known the resources of Oregon, un- 
dertaking to supply letters and editorials to different papers 
throughout the East. As a result he was deluged with let- 
ters and inquiring visitors, to whom he replied fully, in 
beautiful language, concerning the attractions and advan- 
tages of the Oregon country. He likewise became the bus- 
iness agency and news channel for all the people of Oregon. 
Not only of all public documents, of which they had very 
few, did he see that a liberal supply was sent, but he pur- 
chased and forwarded newspapers, pamphlets, and books; 
and he used every effort to secure a Congressional appro- 
priation for libraries for Oregon. He wrote letters, not 
only for publication in Oregon, but also private letters to 
keep his constituents informed upon the progress of mat- 
ters at Washington. 

But all this activity was only contributory to the main 
purpose, of which he never lost sight. In cultivating the 
favor of those in authority, in forming relationships and se- 
curing the aid of voting members of Congress, he was most 
assiduous and successful. To a most extraordinary degree 
did Thurston make a favorable impression, by his engaging 
manner, by his intelligence, and by his persistence that 
would not be put aside. Not only at the time for Territorial 
business, but repeatedly even when out of order, he gained 
permission to offer resolutions or to make amendments. 
On one occasion after waiting all day, he rose to offer an 
amendment and was declared out of order. He appealed 
from the decision and his appeal was sustained, whereupon 
he altered the amendment and it was carried with only two 
opposing votes. He spoke several times in the House and 
received respectful attention. "Looking, as Mr. Thurston 

25 A full idea of the activities of Thurston as Delegate to Congress may be 
gained from a perusal of his diary, which is printed in The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. XV. 


does, like a fair speciment of the frontier man, little was ex- 
pected of him in an oratorical way", was the comment in a 
New York newspaper. ''But he has proved to be one of the 
most effective speakers in the hall, which has created no 
little surprise." Another paper stated that **Mr. Thurston 
is a young man, an eloquent and effective debater, and a 
bold and active man". His speech on the bill making appro- 
priations for Indian affairs was ' ' so interesting and instruc- 
tive that his amendments were unanimously agreed to. A 
great many members shook him heartily by the hand after 
he had closed; and he was assured that if he had asked 
$50,000 after such a speech he would have received it."^® 

Thurston's lengthy speech upon the admission of Califor- 
nia, however, was perhaps his greatest effort. In his diary 
several days before its delivery is the simple record, 
''worked on my speech for California". He wrote the 
speech out in full and then made notes for use in its presen- 
tation. He was firmly opposed to the introduction of slav- 
ery into California, and his attitude toward the preservation 
of the Union was expressed in unmistakable terms.^"^ 

About this time Thurston had a remarkable dream. He 
saw persons at work on the capitol building, knocking out 
the underpinning and foundations of one-half of it. That 
part of the building began to crack from the ground to the 
dome and to crumble as though it would fall ; while the other 
half remained standing. The workmen continued their 
work and the cracking and crumbling became still more pro- 
nounced until he could see the sky through the crevice at the 
top. People were running from one side to the other ; and as 
he sprang from the falling side to that which remained firm 
his grief was so great that he awoke. "And as soon as I 

26 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, p. 137, note. 

27 Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 31st Congress, pp. 345- 



awoke, the dream seemed to be a foreshadowing of the dis- 
solution of the Union, and so wrought upon was I that I 
had no more quiet sleep for the night. "^^ 

During his term as Delegate to Congress, Thurston ac- 
complished great things for Oregon. Indeed, his was a 
record that has perhaps never been surpassed by the first 
Delegate from any Territory. A complete enumeration of 
his accomplishments can not be made, but the more impor- 
tant may be listed. He secured the establishment of Oregon 
City and Nisqually as ports of entry, and the appointment 
of collectors and surveyors for each port. He was success- 
ful in securing the adoption of his bill to extinguish a por- 
tion of the Indian title to the land west of the Cascades, and 
an appropriation of $140,000 was made for that purpose. 
Through his efforts regular vessels were instructed to carry 
the mails to Astoria, and government vessels were to be sta- 
tioned in the mouth of the Columbia and in Puget Sound. 
He secured the establishment of mail routes from Oregon 
City to Astoria, Nisqually, and the Umpqua River and the 
Yaquina Bay; and he personally attended the letting of 
the contracts. Other measures adopted largely on account 
of his influence were : a bill providing that a detachment of 
troops be stationed in Oregon with instructions to open mil- 
itary roads ; an act making a grant of land for the improve- 
ment of the Willamette River ; a bill calling for the survey 
of the public lands and making an appropriation for that 
purpose; a law establishing a land office in Oregon City; 
and a bill providing for the making of geological surveys, 
carrying an appropriation of $25,000, Altogether he se- 
cured appropriations amounting to approximately $350,000, 

28 Diary of Samuel Boyal Thurston in The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical 
Society, Vol. XV, pp. 201, 202. 


in addition to the regular expenses of the Territorial gov- 

That which was Thurston's main achievement, however, 
and for which he was planning and preparing all along, was 
the land bill. Early in the session he had paved the way by 
his measures to extinguish the Indian titles. Then he intro- 
duced resolutions inquiring into the right of the Hudson's 
Bay Company to enclose public lands ; into its right to pas- 
ture stock upon the public domain; and into its right to 
trade and sail its vessels without charge into the ports of 
entry. These resolutions were carefully drawn and were 
referred to appropriate committees. 

Thurston began work upon the land bill early in April, but 
when the time came he was shrewd enough to see the advan- 
tage of accepting the bill which had for a long time been be- 
fore the House, and of securing the incorporation in that bill 
of certain amendments which he desired. This was substan- 
tially the bill drawn up by Lewis F. Linn, which had come 
so near passing in 1848. ''I went up to the Land Office to 
see that our Land bill was ready by Monday", is the record 
in Thurston's diary on April 13th. All through the spring 
and early summer reference to his labors in behalf of the 
land bill appear with increasing frequency. "I attended 
committee of Public Lands and labored all day among dif- 
ferent senators about my land bill", he wrote on August 
13th. "Shields appears to be taking the same course that 
Bowlin did. I have no doubt myself that the agents of Dr. 
McLoughlin are operating against it. Received and wrote 
letter from and to Judge Bryant, urging him to come on to 
help me get the bill through." On the following day he 
wrote that ' ' I have labored extremely hard trying to get the 

20 This statement of Thurston's accomplishments as Delegate to Congress was 
compiled from his diary, published in The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical 
Society, Vol. XV; and the Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 31st Congress. 



Land Committee to agree as to the amendments of my bill. 
It is extremely vexing to have the Land Committee now 
dally along, the tendency of all of which is to prevent the 
passage of my bill. I will win, not despair, but fight on 
while a hair remains on my head. Oregon shan't be over- 
reached if vigilance will prevent it. H. B. Company appears 
to have many friends. 

At last, toward the very end of the session, Thurston tri- 
umphed. His land bill was passed, signed by the president, 
and became a law. In the debate on that bill in the House of 
Representatives, on May 28, 1850, Thurston spoke as fol- 
lows : 

This company, [the Hudson's Bay Company] has been warring 
against our Government for these forty years. Dr. McLoughlin has 
been their chief fugleman, first to cheat our Government out of the 
whole country, and next to prevent its settlement. ... In 1845, 
he sent an express to Fort Hall, eight hundred miles, to warn the 
American emigrants that if they attempted to come to Willamette 
they would all be cut off ; they went, and none were cut off. How, 
sir, would you reward Benedict Arnold, were he living? . . . . 
A bill for his relief would fail, I am sure ; yet this bill proposes to 
reward those who are now, have been, and ever will be, more hostile 
to our country — more dangerous, because more hidden, more jesuit- 

Furthermore, in a circular letter which Thurston pre- 
pared and laid before each member of Congress he made the 
following statements : 

I will next call your attention to the eleventh section of the bill, 
reserving the town site of Oregon City, known as the ' ' Oregon City 
Claim". The capital of our territory is located here (Oregon City) 
and here is the county seat of Clackamas County. It is unquestion- 
ably the finest water power in the known world ; and as it now is, 
so will remain, the great inland business point for the Territory. 

30 Diary of Samuel Royal Thurston in The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical 
Society, Vol. XV, pp. 195, 203. 

31 Congressional Glohe, 1st Session, 31st Congress, p. 1079. 


This claim has been wrongfully wrested by Dr. McLoughlin from 
the American citizens. The Methodist Mission first took the claim, 
with the view of establishing here their mills and Mission. They 
were forced to leave it under the fear of having the savages of 
Oregon let loose upon them; and, successively, a number of cit- 
izens of our Country have been driven from it, while Dr. McLough- 
lin was yet at the head of the Hudson's Bay Company, west of the 
Rocky Mountains. Having at his command the Indians of the 
country, he has held it by violence and dint of threats up to this 
time. . . . He is still an Englishman, still connected in interest 
with the Hudson's Bay Company, and still refuses to file his inten- 
tions to become an American citizen. . . . Last summer, he in- 
formed the writer of this, that whatever was made out of this claim 
was to go into the common fund of the Hudson's Bay Company. . 
. . The children of my Country are looking up to you. . . . 
They call you ' ' fathers ' ', and ask whether you will put the moral 
weapons of defence in your children's hands in the shape of educa- 
tion, or whether you will deny it to them, and put means into the 
hands of him who will turn and rend both you and them.^^ 

It is difficult to read these words without a feeling of in- 
dignation. The statements were all untrue, and Thurston 
must have known they were untrue. The bill granted the 
Oregon City claim, except Abernethy 's Island which it con- 
firmed to the heirs of Governor Abernethy, for the estab- 
lishment and endowment of a Methodist University. Dr. 
McLoughlin was by the act robbed of all his property and, 
what was even more unbearable to a man of his character, 
he was publicly branded in the halls of Congress and cov- 
ered with ignominy and shame. 

Owing to the long distance and partly by design the news 
did not reach Oregon City until about the middle of Septem- 
ber, 1850.^^ On September 12th the Oregon Spectator pub- 
lished the first knowledge of the eleventh section of the land 

32 An extract from this letter, whieli was first printed in full in the Oregon 
Spectator of September 12, 1850, is to be found in Holman's Br. John McLough- 
lin the Father of Oregon, pp. 124-127. 

33 See Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 124, 125. 



bill. At once a meeting was called, resolutions were passed, 
and a petition to Congress was drafted and signed by fifty- 
six of the best men in the Territory, among whom was W. 
"W. Chapman, protesting against the eleventh section of the 
bill which it was believed would work a ' ' severe, inequitable, 
unnecessary, and irremedial injustice". But there were 
*'no telegraph lines in Oregon or California in those days. 
And the bill was a law eight days thereafter."^* 

Efforts were made to secure a reconsideration of the mat- 
ter in Congress, but Governor Lane who was then the Dele- 
gate to Congress from Oregon, discouraged the movement, 
saying that it would endanger the whole bill. * ' To the honor 
of the overwhelming majority of the Oregon pioneers, be it 
said that they took no part in these actions against Dr. Mc- 
Loughlin, nor did they endorse or sympathize with Thurs- 
ton's actions and those of his co-conspirators against Dr. 

At the same time it must be remembered that the land bill 
was a great boon to Oregon — a law for which the settlers 
had been hoping and waiting for years. It gave to each of 
them six hundred and forty acres of the choicest land — 
their homes. Their highest hopes were realized and Thurs- 
ton was the hero of the hour. There was rejoicing and fes- 
tivity throughout all the settlements. 

Dr. McLoughlin was not turned out of his home : no one 
in Oregon would have thought of offering such an indignity 
to him. He continued to live at Oregon City till his death. 
Testimonies of affection and gratitude were many, but from 
that time he began to fail in health and he died on Septem- 
ber 3, 1857. In 1862 the legislature of Oregon, with but two 
dissenting votes restored the Oregon City property to the 

34 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 126, 127; Holman's Dr. John 
McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 137, 138. 

35 Holman's Dr. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 139, 140. 


heirs of Dr. McLoughlin and the McLoughlin Association 
has purchased and is preserving the residence owned by the 
old Chief Factor. Moreover, a three-quarter sized portrait 
of Dr. McLoughlin, painted by William Cogswell and paid 
for by popular subscription, was later hung in the State 
capitol building back of the chair of the president of the 

Of Samuel R. Thurston there remains little to be said. At 
the close of the session of Congress he was worn out and ex- 
hausted. Thinking a sea voyage might help him and unable 
to endure the trip overland, he took ship for his distant Ore- 
gon home. But his indomitable will could not sustain him in 
his fight against ill health, and he expired on ship-board on 
April 9, 1851, off Acapulco. In 1852 the Oregon legislature 
passed a bill appropriating $1500 and appointed a commit- 
tee to bring his remains and inter them in Oregon soil. This 
was done and on April 12th a formal funeral was held in the 
Methodist Church at Salem, at which time Delazon Smith, 
who was well known in Iowa in the early days, delivered the 
oration. Thurston's remains were buried in the cemetery at 
Salem and a shaft of Italian marble twelve feet high was 
erected over his grave.^'^ In re-dividing the counties of 
Washington, which was then a part of Oregon, the legisla- 
ture of the Territory gave the name of Thurston to the 
largest and most fertile as a memorial to the first Delegate 
to Congress. 

HiBAM F. White 

Miles Washington 

seHolman's Br. John McLoughlin the Father of Oregon, pp. 160-164. 
37 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 136-138; The Quarterly of the 
Oregon Historical Society, Vol. XV, pp. 153, 154. 


[One of the constantly recurring demands of the settlers of the Upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley for many years was for Congressional legislation providing for 
the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi River, which, until the 
coming of the railroads, was the great highway of commerce. A typical de- 
mand of this character is to be found in the following editorial copied verbatim 
from The Miners' Express (Dubuque), Vol. Ill, No. 3, Friday, November 3, 
1843.— Dan E. Clakk] 

In one short month the 28th of session of Congress will 
commence, and that the long session too ! We wonder if it 
will sit long enough to attend to the interests of the great 
West? No part of the whole Union has paid more clear 
cash into the coffers of Uncle Sam, than the young and pros- 
perous States of the West, bordering upon the mighty- 
Mississippi and her tributaries. What return has the Gov- 
ernment ever made to the pioneers for piling in their dol- 
lars, and making the wilds of savage life "bloom and 
blossom like the rose 1 ' ' None whatever! Their great high- 
ways, that are capable of being made the finest and most 
safe inland navigation in the world, have been permitted to 
fill up with snags, and rendered unsafe by rapids, — our 
lakes made useless for want of harbors, while the repre- 
sentatives of the people { ?) have gone on, and lavished with 
a profligate hand, the money that was exacted from our 
hardy settlers to building fortifications, making harbors, 
&c, upon some obscure point, or squalid town upon the shore 
of the Atlantic. The fostering hand of Government has 
never been held out to the West, alone, unaided, she has had 
to contend against great obstructions and impediments; — 
while old, and worn-out States which neither God nor na- 



ture seemingly ever designed for habitation or cultivation, 
have been the recipients of millions of dollars. 

Within the last few years there has been more property 
destroyed upon our Western rivers, than would clear them 
of snags, rapids, and all other obstructions ! ! In one place 
in the Ohio called the graveyard, there have been more 
boats lost, and goods destroyed, than would twice pay for 
the clearing of that river. 

Our Government was kind enough to create an Agency to 
filch a fifth from the hard earnings of the laborious miner, 
— but Congress has never had magnanimity scarcely to 
vote one dollar for the removing of the obstructions of the 
Eapids, which are the great impediment to the transporting 
of our useful staple. Nor would we inhabiting the Mineral 
region, be so selfish as to utter only our own complaints 
upon this occasion, but rather give vent to the outbreakings 
of the pent up indignation of the whole North West. Con- 
gress should turn its attention to the improvement of West- 
ern waters — the people of the entire North West demand 
it, for it affects not only their own interest, but the trade 
of the whole valley of the Mississippi ! ! Let her represent- 
atives remember this, let them make for once an appropria- 
tion for the West, and if done, let us have no wasp-waisted 
dandies imported to oversee the work, but put it in the care 
of some sound old practical pioneer who will not waste the 
money in wild-goose pranks. 

The present session appears to us particularly auspicious 
for the interest of the West. All her members should 
be most emphatically Western representatives, and tend to 
the true interests of their constituents. With an increase of 
Western members under the new apportionment — entirely 
new representatives from many states — we look forward 
anxiously for some measure that shall speak devotion to 
Western interests. Let, gentleman, the subjects of Bank, 


Tariff, and President-making alone for a little while, and go 
in for improving Western navigation, and the voices of two 
or three millions of freemen shall sing hosannas to your 
names, and you will certainly rejoice in the sentence of — 
''well done, good and faithful servants." 


The County Archives of the State of Illinois. By Theodore 
Calvin Pease. (Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, 
Vol. XII.) Springfield: The Illinois State Historical Library. 
1915. Pp. cxli, 730. This large volume "owes its existence to the 
recognition by the trustees of the Illinois State Historical Library 
that their task of setting forth the sources for the history of the 
state would be left uncompleted without a detailed account of the 
materials of interest to the social scientist to be found in the various 
county courthouses. The trustees wished also to determine, during 
the preparation of such an account, if the conditions surrounding 
the county records are such as will insure their preservation. ' ' 

About one hundred and twenty pages are devoted to excellent 
introductory material. First there is a general discussion of the 
county archives of Illinois, including a description of the various 
types of records, an estimate of their historical importance, and 
suggestions relative to methods of making and preserving local rec- 
ords. Then the archives of various county offices, such as the clerk 
of the circuit court, the recorder, the county clerk, and the clerk of 
the probate court, are treated in much the same manner but in great- 
er detail. 

Then follow lists of the records preserved in the various counties 
of the State, arranged alphabetically by counties and classified as a 
rule according to office and character. The lists for different coun- 
ties vary somewhat in completeness and in method of arrangement, 
owing to the fact that the survey was conducted at various times by 
several people. At the head of each list is a brief note stating a few 
facts in the history of the county, and indicating the manner in 
which the records are made and preserved in that county. 

No argument need now be used to prove the value of local ar- 
chives from an historical and administrative standpoint. It is only 
on the basis of such works as the one under consideration that there 
can be worked out a scientific, uniform plan of making and pre- 




serving such records. Other States may well make investigations 
similar to that made in Illinois. 

The Riverside Historxj of the United States. Four volumes. 
Edited by William E. Dodd. Boston : Houghton Mifflin Company. 
1915. There are several noteworthy features of this series, which 
comprises a total of 1272 pages exclusive of the prefatory matter 
and the index in each volume. In the first place, there can be no 
complaint that wars and military operations are given an undue 
amount of space. On the other hand, a special effort has been made 
throughout to emphasize the social and economic factors in Amer- 
ican history. Again, the southern and especially western view- 
point is presented more fully than in any previous work of a similar 
character. In fact, of the four authors one was bom and educated 
in the Middle "West, and all of them have taught in this region long 
enough to become impressed with the importance of western history. 

Carl Lotus Becker of the University of Kansas is the author of 
the first volume, entitled Beginnings of the American People (275 
pp.). Its chief features are the attention given to the European 
background; the more than customary emphasis on the English, 
rather than the colonial, viewpoint of the period under discussion; 
and the interpretative method of treating the long story of colonial 
establishments, growth, and problems, closing with the winning of 
independence. While this volume may not prove as useful for ref- 
erence purposes as the other books in the series, it is perhaps more 
easily read, both because of its literary style and because of the 
necessary elimination of details in covering so long a period. 

Union and Democracy (346 pp.) is the title of the second volume, 
and the writer is Allen Johnson of Yale University, who was for 
several years professor of history in Grinnell College. The first ten 
chapters, covering one hundred and ninety-six pages and including 
a good chapter on the purchase of Louisiana, bring the reader down 
to the close of the Jeffersonian period. Out of nearly fifty pages de- 
voted to the causes, military operations, and results of the War of 
1812 about one-third are given to the military operations. The re- 
maining one hundred pages deal with the political, social, and eco- 
nomic developments in the United States from the close of the war 

VOL. XIV — 18 


to the beginning of the Jacksonian era, in six chapters on the west- 
ward movement, hard times, the national awakening, the new 
democracy, polities and State rights, and the rise of national sov- 
ereignty. Professor Johnson's volume is clearly written, definite, 
and well proportioned. 

In the third volume, on Expansion and Conflict (329 pp.), written 
by William E. Dodd of Chicago University and the editor of the 
series, the narrative is carried from the year 1829 to the close of the 
Civil War. "The purpose of this volume", says the author, "is to 
show the action and reaction of the most important social, economic, 
political, and personal forces that have entered into the make-up of 
the United States as a nation. The primary assumption of the 
author is that the people of this country did not compose a nation 
until after the close of the Civil War in 1865. " Few persons are so 
well prepared for such a work by personal research in southern 
history during the ante-bellum period as Professor Dodd; and he 
has also profited by studies made in recent years by others whose 
viewpoint has been western. As a result he has presented a view of 
the forty years of sectional conflict which is distinctly different from 
that usually found in works of this kind. Especially has he taken 
advantage of the numerous monographs on State and local history 
in the Middle West. Occasionally slips occur, as giving 1846 as the 
year of the admission of Wisconsin into the Union (p. 198) ; or the 
implication (p. 199) that the Indian title to a considerable portion 
of Iowa soil remained to be extinguished during the fifties. 

Finally, The New Nation (342 pp.), by Frederic L. Paxson of the 
University of Wisconsin, covers the period from 1865 to 1914, and 
the title is explained in the preface as based upon the fact that "a 
new nation has appeared within the United States since the Civil 
War. . . . The Constitution emerged .... substantially 
unchanged, but the economic development of the United States in 
the sixties and seventies gave birth to a society that was, by 1885, 
already national in its activities and necessities". 

In reality The Neiv Nation is a new history of the period (from 
the Civil War to the present) which is now coming to be regarded 
as an epoch by writers of history. This period has brought home to 
careful students the important influence of economic and social 



forces in American history, and Professor Paxson has more clearly 
perceived this fact that any other historian who has treated the 
same events. The titles of some of his chapters indicate the kind 
of topics emphasized, and his grasp upon the fundamental factors : 
"Business and Politics"; "The Farmers' Cause"; "Populism"; 
"Free Silver"; "Big Business"; "The 'Muck-Rakers'"; and 
"The New Nationalism". 

The point of view of the author is western rather than eastern 
and his attitude is consequently broader and his perspective more 
correct than if he had written with his face toward Europe. Con- 
stitutional questions are made subordinate, while economic and so- 
cial factors are given a prominent place. An occasional error in 
dealing with so many facts is to be anticipated — the first national 
nominating convention of the Populists met at Omaha in 1892 not 
as stated at St. Louis (p. 209). Bishop Potter's sermon, preached 
at the centennial of the Constitution, was delivered in 1889, instead 
of in 1887 (p. 246). On the whole. Professor Paxson has given the 
best systematic treatment of the latest phase in American history 
yet published. 

The Searchlight on Congress is the name of a new publication 
which made its appearance in February. It is "published monthly 
by the National Voters' League to acquaint the people with their 

A. E. Winship is the author of a series of articles entitled Educ(i- 
tors as I have Known Them which is running in the Journal of 

The United States Bureau of Education has issued a bulletin en- 
titled The University and the Municipality which contains a sum- 
mary of the proceedings of the first session of the National 
Association of Municipal Universities. 

Among the articles in the Political Science Quarterly for Decem- 
ber are the following: The Virginia Debt Controversy, by James G. 
Randall; Competition and Capital, by Oswald W. Knauth ; and The 
First Year of the New Banking System, by H. Parker Willis. 


Reconstruction and Education in Virginia, by Edgar "W. Knight ; 
and The North Carolina Fund for Internal Improvements, by 
William K. Boyd, are articles which appear in the January number 
of The South Atlantic Quarterly. 

A dissertation upon The Operation of the Freedmen's Bureau in 
South Carolina, by Laura J. Webster, occupies the January number 
of the Smith College Studies in History. 

An address by George Evan Roberts on the Economic Position of 
the United States at the Close of the War, which was delivered be- 
fore the Clark University Conference on Problems and Lessons of 
the War in December, 1915, has been published in pamphlet form 
by the National City Bank of New York. 

Dr. E. H. Downey, who is well known as the author of two 
volumes in the Iowa Economic History Series, is the writer of 
an excellent article on The Classification of Industries for Work- 
men's Compensation Insurance, which has been reprinted from the 
Proceedings of the Casualty Actuarial and Statistical Society of 

In the September number of the Bulletin of the Neio York Public 
Library there is a partial bibliography of works relating to Political 
Parties in the United States, 1800-1914, compiled by Alta Chaflin. 

In the National Municipal Revieiv for January there may be 
found, among others, the following articles: American Conceptions 
of Municipal Government, by Clinton Rogers Woodruff; Coming of 
Age: Municipal Progress in Twenty-one Years, by William Dudley 
Foulke ; and The Ashtabula Plan — The Latest Step in Municipal 

Unlawful Possession of Intoxicating Liquors and the Webb- 
Kenyon Act, by Lindsay Rogers, is the opening article in the Colum- 
bia Law Revietv for January. Samuel C. Wiel discusses Public 
Service Irrigation Companies. Two articles in the ]\Iarch number 
are : The Federal Trade Commission, by Charles W. Needham ; and 
The Doctrine of an Inherent Right of Local Self-government, by 
Howard Lee McBain. 



A study of The Boycott in American Trade Unions, by Leo Wol- 
man, constitutes a recent number in the Johns Hopkins University 
Studies in Historical and Political Science. The six chapters deal 
with the nature of the boycott, the history of the boycott, the boycott 
on materials, the boycott on commodities, the mechanism of the boy- 
cott, and the law and the boycott. 

The fourth number of volume one of the new quarterly periodical 
known as The Catholic Historical Review appeared in January. 
The four articles printed in this number are as follows: Chronology 
of the Catholic Hierarchy of the United States, by Owen B. Cor- 
rigan; The Preservation of Ecclesiastical Documents, by J. C. 
Fitzpatrick; The Right Rev. Richard Luke Concanen, O. P., the 
First Bishop of New York, by V. F. 'Daniel ; and The Rise of Na- 
tional Catholic Churches in the United States, by N. A. Weber. 

The February number of the periodical known as Special Libra- 
ries contains the Report of the Committee on Municipal Reference 
Libraries and Archives, made to the National Municipal League; 
and a List of Recent References on Public Service Rates with Spe- 
cial Reference to Regulation, compiled by H. H. B. Meyer. In the 
March number there is an article describing the Federal Trade 
Commission Library, by Carlos C. Houghton; and a discussion of 
The Legislative Reference Bureau as a Bill Revising Agency, by 
J. F. Marron. 

Arthur W. H. Eaton writes about Sir John Wentworth and the 
Duke of Kent in the fourth installment of his Chapters in the His- 
tory of Halifax, Nova Scotia, which appears in the December num- 
ber of Americana. There is also a continuation of the Recollections 
of a Half Century and More, by Andrew M. Sherman. S. G. 
Lapham contributes a brief note concerning a memorial which has 
been erected in Lapham Park in Milwaukee to Increase A. Lapham, 
who is called the father of the United States Weather Bureau. 

The March number of The American Labor Legislation Review 
contains the proceedings of the ninth annual meeting of the Amer- 
ican Association for Labor Legislation. Aside from the presidential 
address by Henry R. Seager, on American Labor Legislation, the 


papers deal with various phases of social insurance and protective 
legislation for seamen. 

Cost and Value of Service in Railroad Bate-making, by M. 0. 
Lorenz; Joint Costs with Especial Regard to Railways, by Lewis H. 
Haney ; Currency Depreciation in Time of War, by A. C. Whitaker ; 
and The Amalgamated Copper Company: A Closed Chapter in Cor- 
poration Finance, by F. E. Riehter, are among the articles in the 
February number of The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 

Earl G. Swem is the compiler of A Bibliography of Virginia, con- 
taining the titles of books in the Virginia State Library which either 
relate to Virginia or Virginians, were written by Virginians, or were 
printed in Virginia. This bibliography, published by the Virginia 
State Library, occupies more than seven hundred and fifty pages, 
including an elaborate index. It will be supplemented by additional 
lists from time to time. 

National Industries and the Federal Government is the general 
topic of discussion in the January number of The Annals of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science. The numerous 
papers are grouped into four parts devoted to the Federal Trade 
Commission and its problems, the Federal Reserve Board and its 
accomplishments, the Interstate Commerce Commission and its work, 
and other federal departments in their relation to American in- 

The Immigrants in America Review is the title of a new quarter- 
ly publication, the fourth number of which appeared in January. 
Frances A. Kellor is at the head of the editorial staff, and on the 
advisory editorial board are such well known persons as Mary 
Antin, Emily Balch, Winston Churchill, Herbert Croly, Frederic C. 
Howe, Woods Hutchinson, Walter Lippmann, Percy Maekaye, S. S. 
McClure, Graham Taylor, and others of equal note. The object of 
the publication is to promote the welfare and the thorough Amer- 
icanization of the millions of immigrants in this country. 

A new liistorical quarterly made its appearance in January, 
namely, The Journal of Negro History, edited by Carter G. Wood- 



son of Washington, D. C. The following articles are to be found 
in the initial number: The Negroes of Cincinnati Prior to the Civil 
War, by Carter G. Woodson ; The Story of Maria Louise Moore and 
Fannie M. Richards, by W. B. Hartgrove ; The Passing Tradition 
and the African Civilization, by Monroe N. Work ; and The Mind of 
the African Negro as Reflected in his Proverbs, by A. 0. Staiford. 
The periodical, which gives promise of great usefulness, also con- 
tains sections devoted to documents, book reviews, and notes. 

The Nature and Method of History, by Samuel B. Harding; 
American Revolutionary History in High School, by Clark E. Per- 
singer; and Public Discussion as a Civic Duty, by Elmer C. Griffith, 
are articles which appear in the January number of The History 
Teacher's Magazine. The February number contains, among oth- 
ers, the following articles: American Diplomatic History in High 
School, by Carl Russell Fish ; How the Furs Came Down from the 
North Country, by L. A. Chase; and Standards for Community 
Civics, by D. W. Horton. Recent American history is the central* 
theme of discussion in the March number, two of the articles being 
The Study of Recent American History, by Frederic L. Paxson ; and 
Recent American History Through the Actors' Eyes, by Charles R. 

Ginn and Company have brought out a volume of more than three 
hundred pages on the Growth of American State Constitutions from 
1776 to the End of the Year 1914, by James Quayle Dealey of 
Brown University. The twenty-two chapters are grouped into three 
parts. The first part, comprising about one-third of the book, is de- 
voted to the history of State constitutions. Part two consists of an 
excellent analysis of the provisions of the existing State constitu- 
tions. The author is in error (p. 153) in indicating that by 
constitutional provision in Iowa "women taxpayers" are allowed 
"to vote on certain referenda involving expenditures". In part 
three there is pointed out the trend in State constitutions, wherein 
the author shows himself to be fully in accord with the best of the 
recent movements for the reorganization of State government. It is 
unfortunate that a book containing so much valuable data is not 
provided with an adequate index. 


In January there appeared the first number of The Military His- 
torian and Economist, a newly-launched, quarterly periodical, pub- 
lished by the Harvard University Press. Mr. A. L. Conger of Fort 
Leavenworth and Mr. R. M. Johnston of Harvard University are the 
editors. In view of the possibility that the United States may not 
escape becoming involved in the great war special interest attaches 
to the opening article in which Contre-Admiral Degouy gives his 
expert opinion on the subject of Hostile Submarine Action on the 
American Seaboard. Justin H. Smith speaks from extensive experi- 
ence in discussing the Sources for a History of the Mexican War, 
1846-1848. A critical discussion of Fort Donelson, by A. L. Conger, 
reveals the importance of the economic factors in war. Seven pages 
are devoted to some pertinent comments on The Question of Guam, 
by B. H. Richard; and the problem of Financing the ''Armed Na- 
tion" is discussed by 0. M. W. Sprague. After sections devoted to 
comment, tactical notes, economic notes, and book reviews there is 
the first installment of the Personal Memoirs of Major-General D. S. 

Charles H. Sherrill is the author of an entertaining volume en- 
titled French Memories of Eighteenth-Century America, which has 
been published by Charles Scribner's Sons. The material is taken, 
as the title indicates, from the memoirs of various Frenchmen who 
visited this country as soldiers during the Revolutionary War or as 
travelers, voluntary or involuntary, in the intervening years before 
the close of the century. On the whole, the comments of these visit- 
ors are friendly and sympathetic in tone. They present an excellent 
picture of social life, dress, marriage customs, physical traits, city 
life, country life, means of travel, education, newspapers, religious 
observances, the learned professions, labor, manufacture, trade, and 
other manifestations of life in America during the last quarter of 
the eighteenth century. It is to be regretted that it did not fall in 
with the author's plan to include some observations of travelers in 
the West, which region, except for a slight reference to New Orleans, 
is entirely neglected. 



The quarterly bulletin published by the Indiana State Library in 
December contains a Bibliography on Country Life, the Farm and 
the Small Town. 

Two numbers of the Anthropological Papers of the American 
Museum of Natural History which have recently been issued are: 
Costumes of the Plains Indians, by Clark Wissler; and Associations 
and Ceremonies of the Menomini Indians, by Alanson Skinner. 

An illuminating monograph on The Influence of Anthropology on 
the Course of Political Science, by John Linton Myres, constitutes 
volume four, number one of the University of California Publica- 
tions in History. 

Volume seventeen, number five of The University of Missouri 
Bulletin contains a brief monograph by Frank Fletcher Stephens on 
The Monroe Doctrine: Its Origin, Development and Recent Inter- 

An interesting account of military life on the western frontier 
during the years following the close of the Civil War is to be found 
in the Recollections of an Old Cavalryman, by Ezra B. Fuller, which 
appear in the Journal of the United States Cavalry Association for 

Among the contributions in The University of California Chron- 
icle for January is a paper on The Rural Credit System Needed in 
Western Development, by Elwood Mead. 

A booklet of about one hundred pages, by John D. Rockefeller, 
Jr., is entitled The Colorado Industrial Plan and contains an article 
on Labor and Capital — Partners and two addresses by Mr. Rocke- 
feller, the plan of employees' representation, and the agreement be- 
tween the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company and its employees. 

A paper on the history and results of State Aid and State Super- 
vision, by A. R. Hirst, appears in The Road-Maker for December. 
Financing Road Improvements is the subject of an address by D. W. 
Norris which is printed in the January number. The Old Overland 


Trail in Missouri, by Edgar White; and an account of the Old 
King's Highway, or El Camino Real, are articles in the March 

Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central California, by 
Edward W. Gifford; Composition of California Shell Mounds, by 
the same author; and The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan Based on the 
Vocabidary of de la Cuesta, by J. Alden Mason, are recent numbers 
of the University of California Publications in American Archae- 
ology and Ethnology. 

An interesting, illustrated article on The Confederate Invasion of 
New Mexico — 1861-62, is begun in the January number of the mag- 
azine known as Old Santa Fe. Military operations in the Mesilla 
Valley and the battle of Valverde, February 20, 1862, are described 
in this installment. Another contribution, on a phase of more 
ancient history, is an article on Otermin's Attempt to Reconquer 
New Mexico, 1681-1682, by Charles Wilson Hackett. 

A paper by 0. 0. Libby, entitled One Hundred Years of Peace, 
occupies the opening pages of The Quarterly Journal of the Univer- 
sity of North Dakota for January. Andrew A. Bruce briefly dis- 
cussed The Value and Necessity of a College Education to the Prac- 
tising Lawyer. There is an address on Recent Social and Industrial 
Tendencies in the United States, which was delivered by Frank L. 
McVey at the University of Christiana in Norway in September, 
1912. Life in Congress 1850-1861, as seen through episodes in the 
career of Benjamin F. Wade, is described by Albert T. Vollweiler. 

The Life of Lyman Trumhull, written by Horace White, and pub- 
lished by the Houghton Mifflin Company of Boston, is a volume of 
great interest and value, especially to students of history in the 
Middle West. Lyman Trumbull was United States Senator from 
Illinois from 1855 to 1873 — a period of vital importance in Amer- 
ican history, during which he was a figure of no small influence. 
Moreover, the volume possesses special merit because of the author's 
intimate acquaintance with Trumbull and his thorough knowledge 
of the history of the period covered. An interesting feature of the 
preface is the author's frank acknowledgment that he had been 



wrong in supporting the Congressional policy of Reconstruction, 
and that "Andrew Johnson's policy, which was Lincoln's policy, 
was the true one, and ought never to have been departed from. 
This is the conclusion to which I have come, after much study, in the 
evening of a long life. ' ' lowans will find in the volume some mate- 
rial relative to William B. Allison, W. W. Belknap, Augustus C. 
Dodge, Grenville M. Dodge, James Harlan, Bernhart Henn, James 
F. Wilson, and especially concerning James W. Grimes, whom the 
author characterizes as "a man of granite mould, of unblemished 
character, undaunted courage, keen discernment, and untiring in- 
dustry. ' ' 


There is a brief article on German Russian Colonies in America, 
by Freda Medley, in the March number of Autumn Leaves. 

A new Iowa publication, devoted to the interests of the insurance 
business and called The Successful Underwriter, made its appear- 
ance in March. It is published in Des Moines. 

Two articles on Negroes and Freemasonry, by Harry A. William- 
son, may be found in the January and February numbers of The 
American Freemason. 

Aside from continuations of biographical and autobiographical 
material the principal contribution in the January number of the 
Journal of History, published at Lamoni, Iowa, is an article on The 
Nauvoo Charter, by Samuel A. Burgess. 

A Population Bulletin containing statistics of the census of Iowa 
taken in 1915, compiled by A. U. Swan, has been issued by the Ex- 
ecutive Council. 

Extension Division Bulletin, number fourteen, published by the 
State University of Iowa, consists of an Iowa Handbook on Child 

Iowa, the State with the Least Amount of Illiteracy, by A. M. 
Deyoe; and Iowa's Contribution to the Educational Work of the 
World, by Homer H. Seerley, are two articles in the February num- 


ber of Midland Schools. In the March, number E. E. Lewis discusses 
The Financial Value of General Education. 

An unsigned article on The Spirit of the Middle West appears in 
the January number of The Midland, published at Iowa City. In 
the February number The Appeal of the Middle West to the Liter- 
ary Historian is briefly pointed out by Dan E. Clark. 

Stockholders' Liability in Iowa, by Elmer A. "Wilcox, in the Jan- 
uary number; and Recording of Instruments Affecting Land, by 
Percy Bordwell, and Damages in Rate Discrimination at Common 
Law, by Charles D. Waterman, in the March number, are recent 
articles in the Iowa Law Bulletin. 

A book entitled The Recognition of Jesse Badleigh, written by 
H. H. Green, has been printed at Decorah, Iowa, While it is pri- 
marily a work of fiction, it nevertheless contains material relative to 
the early history of Decorah and incidents connected with the 
massacres by the Sioux Indians. 

How Sioux City is Governed is the title of a small book by S. 0. 
Rorem, instructor of business law and civics in the Sioux City High 
School. There are forty-two chapters explaining in non-technical 
language the functions and operation of every form of government 
which touches the people of Sioux City, from municipal to federal. 

The Old Capitol Building: A Plea for its Preservation, by 
Theodore A. Wanerus, is an appeal in the February number of The 
Iowa Alumnus which should find a response in the shape of funds 
with which to make fire-proof this historic building. In the March 
number there are two Historical Sketches of the Young Women's 
Christian Association. 

The Report of the Committee on Judicial Opinions, by Ben P. 
Poor; and the Report of the Committee on Taxation, by W. C. Cross, 
are to be found in the January number of American Municipalities. 
Articles in the March number are : Liquor Censorship at Mason 
City, by W. T. Forbes; Home Rule for Iowa Municipalities, by 
James R. Hanna; Some Municipal Problems, by A. J. JMercer; and 
State Legislation for Municipalities, by David E. Stuart. 



In The Alumnus of Iowa State College for January there is a 
brief sketch of the career of Carrie Chapman Catt — President Na- 
tional Suffrage Association. A tribute to Harriette Kellogg, written 
by L. H. Pammel, appears in the February number. In March 
H. R. 'Brien outlines What Iowa State College Does for the People 
of Iowa. 

A volume of Recollections and Sketches of Notable Lawyers and 
Public Men of Early loiva is being prepared for publication by 
Edward H. Stiles, who is well qualified for such a task. He was for 
many years a member of the Iowa bar, served in both houses of the 
legislature during the last years of the Civil War, was Reporter of 
the Supreme Court of Iowa from 1867 to 1875, and is the author of 
a valuable digest of the decisions of that court. 

The proceedings of the sixteenth annual conference of the Iowa 
Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, held at 
Burlington in October, 1915, fill a volume of about two hundred 
pages. Of special interest from the standpoint of Iowa history are 
the reports of the historian and of the committees on early Iowa 
trails and the preservation of historic spots in Iowa. There is also 
Judge Luke Palmer's Address on Black Hawk, delivered at Crapo 
Park in Burlington. 


Abbott, Keene, 

Wind Fighters (Outlook, January 12, 1916). 
Aurner, Clarence Ray, 

History of Education in Iowa. Volumes III and IV. Iowa 
City : The State Historical Society of Iowa. 1916. 
Bassett, Basil Blain, 

Lyrics of Leisure. Humboldt : Published by the author. 1916. 
Becker, Carl Lotus, 

Beginnings of the American People. Boston : Houghton Mifflin 
Co. 1915. 
Betts, George Herbert, 

Fathers and Mothers. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co. 


Bowman, Melville Le Roy, 

Corn: Grotving, Judging, Breeding, Feeding, Marketing. 
"Waterloo, Iowa : Published by the author. 1915. 
Carver, Thomas Nixon, 

Selected Readings in Rural Economics. New York: Ginn & 
Co. 1916. 
Devine, Edward Thomas, 

Pauperism: An Analysis. New York: School of Philanthropy. 

Through Good Will to Peace (Survey, December 18, 1915) ; 
Profession in the Making (Survey, January 1, 1916) ; 
Academic Freedom (Survey, February 5, 1916). 
Fields, Jessie, 

Community Civics. New York : The Macmillan Co. 1916. 
Gates, Isabel Smith, 

The Life of George Augustus Gates. Boston: The Pilgrim 
Press. 1915. 
Gillin, John Lewis, 

The Paroling of Prisoners Sentenced to Jails with Special Ref- 
erence to the Situation in Wisconsin (Journal of the Amer- 
ican Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, January, 
Gjerset, Knut, 

History of the Norioegian People. New York : The Macmillan 
Co. 1915. 
Griffith, Helen Sherman, 

Letty at the Conservatory. Philadelphia: Penn Publishing 
Co. 1915. 
Haynes, Fred E., 

Third Party Movements Since the Civil War with Special Ref- 
erence to Iowa. Iowa City: The State Historical Society of 
Iowa. 1916. 
Hough, Emerson, 

On His Oivn (Sunset, January, 1916) ; Believing and Doing 
(American Magazine, March, 1916). 
Hughes, Rupert, 

Clipped Wings. New York : Harper Bros. 1916. 



Hurlburt, Rollo Franklin, 

Six Fools. New York and Cincinnati: The Methodist Book 
Concern. 1916. 
Hutchinson, Woods, 

Making Boys Fit for Service (Good Housekeeping, February, 
King, Irving, 

Education for Social Efficiency. (Enlarged edition.) New 
York: D. Appleton & Co. 1915. 
McGee, Emma R., 

Life of W J McGee. Farley, Iowa : Privately printed. 1915. 
Ott, Edward Amherst, 

Financing Beauty (American City, Town and Country Edition, 
January, 1916). 
Patrick, George T. W., 

The PsycJwlogy of Relaxation. Boston : Houghton Mifflin Co. 

Roberts, George Evan, 

Economic Position of the United States at the Close of the War. 
New York: The National City Bank of New York. 1916. 
Ross, Edward Alsworth, 

Acquisitive Mimicry (American Journal of Sociology, January, 
Sabin, Edwin Legrand, 

In the Orchestra Circle — a Trip to the Dentist (American 
Magazine, January, 19161. 
Simms, Paris Marion, 

Modern Methods in Church Work: Activities of the First Pres- 
byterian Church, Vinton, Iowa (Biblical World, December, 
Starch, Daniel, 

Some Experimental Data on the Value of Studying Foreign 
Languages (School Review, December, 1915). 
Steiner, Edward Alfred, 

The Confessions of a Hyphenated American. New York and 
Chicago : Fleming H. Revell Co. 1916. 


Swem, Earl G., 

A Bibliography of Virginia. Richmond: Virginia State Li- 
brary. 1916. 
Welliver, Judson Churchill, 

The Automobile in Our County (Collier's, January 8, 1916). 


The Des Moines Register and Leader 

The Stutsman Family, Pioneers of Des Moines, by William Fleming, 

January 2, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of Grenville M. Dodge, January 4, 1916. 
General Dodge — An Indian Fighter, January 5, 1916. 
Senator Kenyon's Proposed National Park in Iowa, January 16, 


Allamakee County a Vast Beauty Spot, by A. M. May, January 17, 

Iowa-Nebraska Boundary Question, February 3, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of William P. Hepburn, February 8, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of C. L. Watrous, February 10, 1916. 
William Duane Wilson — Uncle of President Wilson, February 12, 

Sketch of the life of Henry Wallace, February 24, 1916. 

Henry Wallace's Last Words, February 25, 1916. 

Tributes to Henry Wallace, February 26, 1916. 

Progress in Improvement of Capitol Grounds, February 27, 1916. 

Thaddeus G. Stanton — Iowa Newspaper Man who was Paymaster 

General, February 27, 1916. 
History of the Region Included in the Proposed National Park in 

Northeastern Iowa, by E. E. Fallows, February 27, March 5, 12, 


Did Zachary Taylor's Daughter Elope to Iowa to Marry Jefferson 

Davis, February 28, 1916. 
First Church Built in Iowa, February 28, 1916. 
From Newsboy to Circus Magnate is lowan's Histor}^, March 5, 1916 
Thomas H. Read, President of Five Iowa Banks, March 10, 1916. 
Iowa Dairy Farm that Grew out of a Delayed Train, March 12, 1916. 



Developing Old Parmalee Trail, March 15, 1916. 
How to Save Old Capitol at Iowa City from Fire a Serious Problem, 
March 19, 1916. 

The Burlington Hawk-Eye 

Old Times in Burlington, in each Sunday issue. 

Sketch of the life of William J. Ross who Came to Burlington in 

1833, January 2, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of Robert J. Denny, a Pioneer of Des Moines 

County, January 2, 1916. 
Progress Made by Burlington in 1915, January 4, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of James N. Martin, January 4, 1916. 
Tributes to W. E. Blake, January 4, 1916. 

Meeting in Memory of W. E. Blake and E. S. Huston, January 7, 

Sketch of the life of John A. Miller, January 8, 1916. 

James H. Jordan's Story of Chief Black Hawk, January 16, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Corwin W. Cornell, January 19, 1916. 

Early Settlers and Indians in Southeastern Iowa, by James H. 

Jordan, Indian Trader, January 23, 30, February 6, 13, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of George C. Henry, January 23, 1916. 
First Iowa State Fair, January 30, 1916. 
Career of Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, February 19, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of Webster M. Pixley of Mt. Pleasant, February 

22, 1916. 

Leaders of Civil War from Iowa, March 12, 1916. 

Notes about Former Residents of Burlington, March 19, 26, 1916. 


The Winter of 1856-7, in the Algona Advance, January 5, 1916. 
The Editors of the Free Press, in the Mount Pleasant Free Press, 
January 6, 1916. 

To Iowa in the Early Fifties, by Caroline Soule, in the Ogden Re- 
porter, January 6, 1916. 

Some Early History of Cerro Gordo County, in the Clear Lake 
Mirror, January 6, 1916. 

VOL. xrv — 19 


Forty-three Years Ago in Webster City, in the Webster City Free- 
man-Tribune, January 7, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Oliver P. Shiras, in the Dubuque Times-Journal, 
January 8, 1916. 

First Steamboat up the Mississippi, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, January 9, 1916. 

Reminiscences of Clayton County, running in the Elkader Begister- 

Early Settlers and Indians in Southeastern Iowa, in the Keosauqua 
Republican, January 13, 20, 27, February 3, 1916. 

Personal Recollections of Early Days in Southeastern Iowa, in the 
Ottumwa Courier, January 15, 1916. 

Second Rush of Whites to the Lead Mines, in the Dubuque Tele- 
graph-Herald, January 16, 1916. 

Tribute to Judge Shiras, in the Dubuque Times-Journal, January 
16, 1916. 

Old Marion County, running in the Knoxville Express. 
Sketch of the life of S. W. Hastings, in the Osage Press, January 19, 

Prairie Fires in the Seventies, in the Marcus News, January 20, 

Indian Arrow-heads and Stone Weapons, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, January 23, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Charles M 'Clean, in the Dubuque Times-Jour- 
nal, January 23, 1916. 

Early Taylor County, in the Bedford Times-Republican, January 
27, 1916. 

H. C. Pierce Tells of Journey to California Sixty-five Years Ago, 
running in the Traer Star-Clipper in January, 1916. 

The Frontier Sketches, running in the Burlington Post. 

Early Politics in Iowa, in the Des Moines Capital, February 3, 1916. 

Our Early German Settlers, in the Des Moines Plain Talk, February 
3, 1916. 

The Early History of Iowa City, by Mrs. W. C Bailey, in the Iowa 

Citij Citizen, February 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 1916. 
First Home Built in Davenport by Antoine Le Claire Still Stands, 

in the Davenport Times, February 5, 1916. 



Major Hugo Hofifbauer Recalls Incidents of Early Steamboat Days 
on the Mississippi, in the Davenport Times, February 5, 1916. 

Governor Kirkwood, in the Marion Register, February 8, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Charles L. Watrous, in the Des Moines Capital, 
February 9, 1916. 

Early Days in Iowa, in the Knoxville Express, February 9, March 8, 

Execution of Forty Indians, in the Terril Tribune, February 10, 

Early History of Montgomery County, in the Bed Oak Express, 
February 11, 18, 25, March 3, 10, 17, 24, 31, 1916. 

Indian Agents in the United States, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, February 13, 1916. 

Anniversaries of Admission of States, in the Mason City Times, 
February 15, 1916. 

Reply to Article on "How Walt Butler Went to Congress", in the 
Waukon Standard, February 17, 1916. 

Proposed National Park is Center of Great Natural and Historic 
Interest, in the Dubuque Telegraph-Herald, February 20, 1916. 

The Pioneer Life of Eldora Settlers, in the Eldora Herald, February 
24, 1916. 

Early History Recalled by Judge Silwold, in the Newton Record, 
March 2, 1916. 

First White Man 's Home in Central Iowa is Still a Warren County 
Landmark, in the Indianola Record, March 2, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of William Graham, in the Dubuque Telegraph- 
Herald, March 3, 1916. 

Iowa in 1869: Recollections of a Homesteader, by Myron E. 
Hinkley, in the Sunday issues of the Sioux City Journal in 
February and March, 1916. 

George Bateman Hauled State Treasurer's Safe to Des Moines, in 
the Grinnell Herald, March 7, 1916. 

Missouri Toughs at Winterset in Early Days, by W. H. Lewis, in 
the Winterset News, March 8, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Wiley B. Ray, in the Keokuk Gate-City, March 
8, 1916. 


McGregor Seat of Early Railroad Schemes, in the Decorah Journal, 
March 8, 1916. 

Robert Haney — Last Survivor of the Men Who Organized Carroll 

County, in the Carroll Herald, March 8, 1916. 
Reminiscences of Early Pioneer Days, by the late Mrs. Woods of 

Sutherland, in the PaulUna Times, March 9, 1916. 
Iowa's War Generals, in the Marshalltown Times-Bepuhlican, 

March 9, 1916. 

E. E. Dotson Recalls Pioneer Days, in the Colfax Tribune, March 9, 

Life in Iowa During the Sixties, in the Nashua Reporter, March 9, 

Boosting for Des Moines, in the Nevada Representative, March 10, 

Patrick Corbley of Cedar Falls — Iowa's Oldest Citizen, in the 

Cedar Falls Record, March 15, 1916. 
History of First Swedish Settlers in Iowa, in the Fairfield Journal, 

March 15, 1916. 

Story of the Development of Cherokee County, in the Cherokee 

Times, March 16, 1916. 
Pioneer Days in Van Buren County, in the Keosauqua Republican, 

March 16, 1916. 

Two Poweshiek County Pioneers, in the Grinnell Herald, March 17, 

Early Times in Allamakee County, by A. M. May, in the Waukon 

Republican, March 22, 1916. 
Hardships During Early Days in Northern Iowa, by Mrs. D. W. 

King, in the Algona Advance, March 22, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of J. A. J. Bentley, in the Chariton Herald-Patriot, 

March 23, 1916. 

Sketches of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. George Cox, in the Deep River 

Record, March 24, 1916. 
Sketches of the life of Joseph Schulze, in the Iowa City Citizen, 

March 24, 1916. 

Jasper Blines's Life Work, in the Burlington Post, March 25, 1916. 
Amos Fox — First Member of Iowa Soldier's Home, in the Marshall- 
town Times-Republican, March 27, 1916. 



Reminiscences of the Winter and Spring of 1867, by A. D. Guernsey, 

in the Independence Conservative. 
Sketch of the life of Jesse J. Peck, in the Onawa Democrat, March 

30, 1916. 

Early Tama History, in the Tama Herald, March 30, 1916. 
Taking Teachers' Examinations in the Early Days, in the Clarinda 
Herald, March 30, 1916. 



In the December number of The Wisconsin Archeologist there is 
an illustrated account of the Indian Remains in Manitowoc County, 
by Louis Falge. 

The October-December number of The Quarterly Publication of 
the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio is devoted to the 
annual report of the Society for the year ending December 6, 1915. 

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin has published a bulletin 
of information describing and indicating the importance of the 
Strong and Woodman Manuscript Collections in the Wisconsin State 
Historical Library. 

An address by C. J. Hexamer delivered at the unveiling of the 
General von Steuben Monument at Valley Forge in October, 1915 ; 
and a short article on General Von Steuben and the New Lesson of 
German Militarism, by M. D. Learned, may be found in the January- 
April number of the German American Annals. 

An excellent article on Lincoln and Missouri, by Walter B. 
Stevens, is to be found in the January number of The Missouri His- 
torical Review. 

The Annual Volume of the Onondaga Historical Association for 
the year 1915 is taken up with a number of papers relative to 
Onondaga's Part in the Civil War, by Mrs. Sarah Sumner Teall. 

The chief item, in addition to genealogical material, in The New 
York Genealogical and Biographical Record for January is a brief 
sketch of the career of the late Charles Francis Adams, by Worth- 
ington C. Ford. 

The Journal of Rev. Joshua Wingate Weeks, Loyalist Rector of 
St. Michael's Church, Marblehead, 1778-1779, and the Journal of a 




Journey from Salem to Philadelphia in 1755 are among the contents 
of the January number of the Historical Collections of the Essex 

The March number of the Records of the American Catholic His- 
torical Society contains, among other things, the concluding install- 
ment of the Epistle or Diary of the Reverend Father Marie Joseph 
Durand, translated from the French by Ella M. E. Flick. 

Two articles in The Medford Historical Register for January are 
an account of Lafayette 's Visit to Medford, by Eliza M. Gill ; and 
an appreciation of Reverend Henry C. De Long, by George M. 

Continuations of Letters to General Greene and Others, anno- 
tated by Joseph W. Barnwell ; and the Order Book of John Fauch- 
eraud Grimke are printed in the October number of The South 
Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine. 

The Michigan Historical Commission has published in pamphlet 
form the addresses delivered at the unveiling of a tablet commem- 
orating the discovery and exploration of the Old Northwest by Jean 
Nicolet. The tablet was unveiled on Mackinac Island on July 12, 

In the January number of the Proceedings of the New Jersey His- 
torical Society may be found a five-page article by Joseph F. Folsom 
entitled A Slave Indenture of Colonial Days in New Jersey ; and the 
concluding section of John L. Rankin's study of Newark Town Gov- 
ernment from 1666-1833. 

Nearly two hundred pages in volume fourteen of the Proceedings 
and Collections of the Wyoming Historical and Genealogical Society 
of Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, are devoted to the Reminiscences of 
Hon. Charles Miner, 1780-1865, by Charles Francis Richardson. 
Shorter contributions are: Buried River Channels of the North- 
eastern States, by James F. Kemp ; The Development of Interest in 
Historical Societies, by Thomas Lynch Montgomery; and The 
"Alfred F. Berlin" Collection of Indian Artifacts, by Christopher 


La Sepulture d'Etienne Brule, by Jules Tremblay; Les Con- 
seillers au Conseil Souvercdn de la Nouvelle-F ranee, by Pierre- 
Georges Roy; Elba, a Hundred Years After, by George M. Wrong; 
and Some Notes on the First Legislative Assembly of Ontario and 
its Speaker, by W. S. Herrington, are among the contributions in 
the September number of the Transactions of the Royal Society of 

The opening pages of the Maryland Historical Magazine for De- 
cember are occupied by the Journal of the Committee of Observa- 
tion of the Middle District of Frederick County, Maryland, from 
September 12, 1775, to October 24, 1776. Then follow continuations 
of Extracts from the Carroll Papers and of TJria Brown's Journal. 
Bernard C. Steiner is the author of an article on the Disturbances 
Concerning the Delaware Boundary. 

James Wickes Taylor: A Biographical Sketch, by Theodore C. 
Blegen, occupies the Minnesota History Bulletin for December, 
aside from the usual space devoted to book reviews, notes, and com- 
ment. In the March number may be found an abstract of an ad- 
dress on The Social Memory, by George E. Vincent; a brief tribute 
to Lloyd Barber, by Charles C. Willson; and an interesting paper 
on the Genesis of the Typewriter, by William G. Le Due. 

The Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society for Janu- 
ary opens with a brief tribute to Colonel J. Stoddard Johnston, a 
Great Kentuckian, Who Was Distinguished as a Soldier, Scholar, 
Politician and Journalist, by George Baber. Some Boone Records 
are compiled by J. D. Bryan and James Boone. Burr and Blenner- 
hassett at Chaumiere is the title of a short article by Mrs. Alysonia 
Rennick Todd. 

H. M. Wagstaff is the editor of The Harris Letters which occupy 
volume fourteen, number one, of The James Sprunt Historical Pub- 
lications of the North Carolina Historical Society. Numbers one 
and two of volume fifteen are combined, being devoted to a mono- 
graph of over two hundred pages by J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton on 
Party Politics in North Carolina, 1835-1860, which unfortunately 
is without citations to sources other than a brief bibliography at the 



The principle article in the Indiana Magazine of History for 
March is one by George R. Wilson on The First Public Land Sur- 
veys in Indiana: Freeman's Lines. The concluding installment of 
the study of The Election of 1852, by Dale Beeler ; a sketch of the 
life of Samuel Merrill, Indiana's Second State Treasurer, from the 
papers of Catharine Merrill; and an article on the Settlement of 
Worthington and Old Point Commerce, by Robert Weems, are other 

Wilbur H. Siebert is the author of an article on The Loyalists in 
West Florida and the Natchez District which is given first place in 
The Mississippi Valley Historical Review for March. Henry N. 
Sherwood writes on Early Negro Deportation Projects; there is a 
discussion of the Pioneer Anti-slavery Press, by Asa E. Martin ; and 
Walter L. Fleming furnishes a valuable survey of Recent Historical 
Activities in the Trans-Mississippi Southwest. Three short docu- 
ments concerning the consular service of the United States in Latin 
America are supplied with introduction and notes by William 
Spence Robertson. 

The Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Session of the State 
Literary and Historical Association of North Carolina, compiled by 
R. D. W. Connor, have been published by the North Carolina His- 
torical Commission. Among the addresses and papers contained in 
the volume are : A Western View of Tradition, by Franklin K. 
Lane; Can Democracy he Organized?, by Edwin A. Alderman; 
Social and Economic Legislation in North Carolina During the Civil 
War, by E. W. Sikes; Union Sentiment in North Carolina During 
the Civil War, by Mary Shannon Smith ; and The Southern Policy 
of Andrew Johnson, by J. G. de Roulhae Hamilton. 

Hampton L. Carson is the writer of a short biography of Hon. 
James Tyndale Mitchell, LL. D., late Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court of Pennsylvania and for nineteen years senior vice president 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, which appears in the 
January number of The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and 
Biography. Following this there is William Penn's Journal of his 
Second Visit to Ireland, occupying about forty pages. The State 


House Yard, and Who Owned it after 'William Penn, by Charles 
H. Browning; and Selections from the Military Papers of Brig. 
Gen. William Irwine are also of interest. 

The July, 1915, number of the Journal of the Illinois State His- 
torical Society opens with a thirty-page article on the Life and La- 
bors of Hon. Adlai Ewing Stevenson, by John "W. Cook. The story 
of The Lincoln Life-Mask and How it was Made, by Leonard W. 
Volk, is reprinted from The Century Magazine for 1881, and there 
are some comments and corrections by Henry B. Rankin. The 
same writer contributes an article entitled The First American — 
Abraham Lincoln. Other articles are : The North-West Territory, 
by Charles A. Kent ; The Mormon War in Hancock County, by 
Herbert Spencer Salisbury; and David B. Sears, Pioneer in the De- 
velopment of the Water Power of the Mississippi River, by David 
Sears. The last article has a special interest to students of Iowa 
history, since the activities of David B. Sears were partly carried 
on in the Iowa country. 

A phase of Civil War history which has received too little atten- 
tion, namely, the governmental and economic problems of the period 
especially from the southern viewpoint, is touched upon in an article 
on Jefferson Davis and the Confederate Congress, by Robert G. 
Cleland, which appears in the January number of The Southwestern 
Historical Quarterly. Along the same line is the second installment 
of L. R. Garrison's study of the Administrative Problems of the 
Confederate Post Office Department. Thomas Maitland Marshall is 
the writer of a paper on St. Train's Expedition to the Gila in 1826 ; 
Charles E. Chapman discusses the Difficulties of Maintaining the 
Department of San Bias, 1775-1777 ; William W. Groce presents a 
sketch of the life of Major General John A. Wharton; Eugene C. 
Barker contributes a letter furnishing A Glimpse of the Texas Fur 
Trade in 1832; and there is another section of British Correspond- 
ence Concerning Texas, edited by Ephraim Douglass Adams. 

The January number of the Ohio Archaeological and Historical 
Quarterly is given over to papers relating to various phases of the 
educational history of the Ohio Valley. The following eight papers 



make up the contents : The Higher Education of Women in the Ohio 
Valley Previous to 1840, by Jane Sherzer; European Influence on 
Early Western Education, by Willis L. Gard ; Pioneer Schools and 
School Masters, by D. C. Shilling ; The Rise of the Denominational 
College, by Russell M. Storey; Land Grants for Education in the 
Ohio Valley States, by Clement L. Martzolff; Samuel Lewis, Pro- 
gressive Educator in the Early History of Ohio, by Alston Ellis; 
Colonel Dick Johnson's Choctaw Academy: A Forgotten Educa- 
tional Experiment, by Shelley D. Rouse ; and Secondary Education 
in Ohio Previous to the Year 1840, by W. W. Boyd. 

The Last Step in the Formation of a Provisional Government for 
Oregon in 1845 is the subject discussed by Robert Carlton Clark in 
The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society for December. 
John Minto — A Tribute by One Who Loved Him is written by 
John Gill. General interest attaches to a brief discussion of Indian 
Words in Our Language, by J. Neilson Barry. Early Farming in 
Umatilla County, by C. A. Barrett; Captain Joseph R. Walker, by 
James O'Meara; and the Speech of Mr. Eli Thayer on the Admis- 
sion of Oregon as a State, are other contributions. The installment 
of the Correspondence of the Rev. Ezra Fisher here printed is espe- 
cially rich in material concerning the early activities of the Baptist 
Church in Iowa, with frequent glimpses of general conditions in the 
Territory in 1844 and 1845. It also contains an account of the 
preparations for and the main part of the journey of Rev. Fisher 
from Rock Island to Oregon in the year 1845. 

Asa Earl Martin is the writer of an article on The Anti-Slavery 
Societies of Tennessee which is given first place in the December 
number of the Tennessee Historical Magazine. Albert V. Good- 
pasture presents a brief sketch of the life of Dr. J ames White, Pio- 
neer, Politician, Lawyer; and there is a discussion of The Develop- 
ment of the Tennessee Constitution, by Wallace McClure. Under 
the heading of "Documents" may be found The Reminiscences of 
Elleanore (Callaghan) Ratterman, telling of William Walker's in- 
vasion of Nicaragua, and some Walker-Heisa Papers, containing 
additional material concerning the famous filibuster's career in 
Nicaragua, all of which are edited by William 0. Scroggs. Articles 


whicli appear in the Mareh number are The Public School System of 
Tennessee, 1834-1860, by A. P. "Wbitaker; and The Topographical 
Beginnings of Nashville, by Park Marshall; while St. George L. 
Sioussat provides introduction and notes for the Diaries of S. H. 
Laughlin, of Tennessee, 1840, 1843. 

The American Historical Review for January opens with the 
presidential address by H. Morse Stephens on Nationality and His- 
tory, read before the American Historical Association at its annual 
meeting in Washington, D. C, in December, 1915. The first install- 
ment of a monograph on The True Roger Bacon is written by Lynn 
Thorndyke. The Colonial Post-office is the subject of an interesting 
article by William Smith. Two other papers are : American Cotton 
Trade with Liverpool Under the Embargo and Non-intercourse Acts, 
by G. W. Daniels; and The Governor-General of the Philippines 
Under Spain and the United States, by David P. Barrows. Among 
the "Notes and Suggestions" is a note by C. 0. Paullin on the elec- 
toral vote for John Quincy Adams in 1820. Under the heading of 
"Documents" are some letters relative to The Origin of the Regu- 
lation in North Carolina, with introduction and notes by Archibald 
Henderson. There is also a list of the doctoral dissertations in his- 
tory in progress at the chief American universities in December, 

A Critical Discussion of the Site of Camp Washington, by M. 
Orion Monroe, which appears in the January number of The Wash- 
ington Historical Quarterly, would seem to indicate that a tablet 
supposed to mark the site where Isaac I. Stevens and George B. 
McClellan and their surveying parties camped late in October, 1853, 
which was erected several years ago was placed on the wrong spot. 
Marine Disasters of the Alaska Route are discussed by C. L. An- 
drews, and there are valuable lists of the ships lost or damaged since 
1848. John Edwin Ayer is the writer of a short sketch of the life 
of George Bush, the Voyageur, who was born in about 1791 in what 
is now Missouri and was for a time engaged in the fur trade on the 
Upper Missouri. Victor J. Farrar furnishes the annual survey of 
the activities of the Pioneer and Historical Societies of the State of 
Washington. In a list of The Pioneer Dead of 1915, compiled by 



Edith G. Prosch, are the names of several persons who emigrated 
from Iowa to the Pacific Coast before 1860. There is a continuation 
of the Journal of Occurrences at Nisqually House, 1833, edited by 
Clarence B. Bagley. 

A short biography of Josephus Nelson Larned, by John B. Olm- 
sted, in volume nineteen of the Publications of the Buffalo His- 
torical Society, is followed by some selected papers and addresses by 
Mr. Larned on various subjects in the fields of history, education, 
political science, and sociology, together with a chronological list of 
his writings. A tribute to Henry A. Richmond is written by Henry 
R. Howland. Then come three reminiscent articles concerning early 
newspapers in Buffalo, and a bibliography, which is surprisingly 
long, of The Periodical Press of Buffalo, 1811-1915, compiled by 
Frank H. Severance. There are also portraits of a number of pio- 
neer printers and representative editors and publishers of early 
Buffalo. Finally, the volume contains some interesting editorial 
notes by Frank H. Severance, and the proceedings of the annual 
meeting of the Buffalo Historical Society in January, 1915. 

Volume forty-eight of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society contains, among others, the following papers and 
documentary contributions: Again "The Tissue of History", by 
Charles Francis Adams; some hitherto unpublished instructions 
and despatches of the British Ghent Commission, contributed by 
Worthington C. Ford; The British Proclamation of May, 1861, by 
Charles Francis Adams; Development of the Popular Churches 
After the Revolution, by John Spencer Bassett ; General Garfield at 
Chickamauga, by Theodore C. Smith ; Fiction as Historical Material, 
by Gamaliel Bradford; some documents relative to The Massachu- 
setts Embassy to Washington, 1815, by Samuel E. Morison ; a num- 
ber of tributes to the late Charles Francis Adams; Extracts from 
the Diary of Benjamin Moran, 1860-1868, by Worthington C. Ford ; 
and An Episode of the War of 1812, by Thomas F. Waters. 


Mr. Hiram Heaton of Glendale, Secretary of the Jefferson County 
Historical Society, is the subject of a sketch in The Fairfield 
Tribune for March 24, 1916. 


The ninth annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association will be held at Nashville, Tennessee, on April 27-29, 

At the annual meeting of the Presbyterian Historical Society 
held on January 13, 1916, Dr. Henry Van Dyke was reelected presi- 
dent for the ensuing year. 

The Indiana Historical Commission has plans well under way for 
the celebration later this year of the one hundredth anniversary of 
the admission of Indiana into the Union. 

During October there was effected a consolidation of the Ten- 
nessee Historical Society and the Tennessee Woman's Historical 

At the seventeenth annual meeting of the Oregon Historical So- 
ciety held at Portland on December 18, 1915, the principal address 
was one by 0. B. Sperlin, on The Indians of the Northwest as Re- 
vealed in the Journals of the Earliest Fur Traders and Explorers. 

The Department of Historical Research in the Carnegie Institu- 
tion of Washington announces that Miss Elizabeth Donnan has be- 
gun the compilation of a volume of original materials relating to 
the early history of the slave trade. 

The thirteenth annual meeting of the State Historical Society of 
Missouri was held in the rooms of the Society in the new University 
library building at Columbia on December 10, 1915. The member- 
ship of the Society now numbers over one thousand and the total 
number of titles in the library is approximately 44,000. A com- 
mittee has been appointed to begin the making of plans for the 
proper celebration of the centennial of the admission of Missouri 
into the Union. 

The Webster County Historical Society, of which Mr. H. M. 
Pratt is Curator, is making a special effort to collect papers, letters, 
manuscripts, photographs, and other material bearing upon the his- 
tory of Webster County and of Iowa in general. A large display 
cabinet has been placed in the city library at Fort Dodge for the 


purpose of preserving relics of various kinds where they may be 
seen by visitors. Among the possessions of the Society is a fine col- 
lection of Indian relics donated by Mrs. George W. Marsh. 

In the Bedford Times-Republican for January 20, 1916, there 
was an editorial strongly urging the formation of an historical 
society in Taylor County, and the collection and preservation of the 
records and other materials relating to the history of the county. 

The principal topic of discussion at the meeting of the Jefferson 
County Historical Society on March 1st was the plan, thus far un- 
successful, to secure funds for the erection of a monument on the 
site in Fairfield where the first State Fair was held in Iowa. Some 
attention was also given to the proposed union of the various asso- 
ciations of an historical character in Jefferson County. The election 
of officers resulted in the choice of those who served during the past 
year. Before the meeting closed Professor P. C. Hildreth of Parsons 
College, a member of The State Historical Society of Iowa, delivered 
an address. 

The Historical Department of Iowa at Des Moines has received 
substantial additions to the collection of materials donated several 
years ago by the late Grenville M. Dodge. Included in this collec- 
tion are a large number of war relics. Another recent accession is 
the collection of Civil War papers and relics belonging to Captain 
V. P. Twombly. Miss Ida M. Huntington, Assistant Curator of the 
Department, and Miss Lavinia Steele of the State Library, have 
compiled a list of lowans who have become known for their accom- 
plishments in the field of art. This list was published in The Regis- 
ter and Leader of March 12, 1916. 

The Minnesota Historical Society held its annual meeting on the 
evening of January 10, 1916, at which time President George E. 
Vincent of the University of Minnesota delivered an address on The 
Social Memory. Resolutions were adopted urging the members of 
the Minnesota delegation in Congress to support the movement for a 
national archives building at Washington, D. C. The membership 
list of the Society at that time contained four hundred and thirty- 
five names. The total number of accessions in the library reached 


nearly seventy -nine thousand, an increase of about two and a quar- 
ter thousands during 1915, and it is estimated that there is sufficient 
unaccessioned material, mostly pamphlets, in the library to bring 
the number up to one hundred and twenty thousand. Mr. Warren 
Upham, now archaeologist for the Society, is compiling a work on 
Minnesota Geographic Names. 

At the meeting of the Allamakee County Historical and Archae- 
ological Society on January 11, 1916, there was some discussion of 
the question of preserving the government survey post on the State 
line at New Albin. An article by A. M. May on Allamakee County 
a Vast Beauty Spot was approved for publication. Mr. Ellison Orr 
read a paper on The New Alhin Inscribed Tablet. On March 15th 
the Society held its first annual meeting, at which time the persons 
chosen as officers on the occasion of the organization of the Society 
on November 30, 1915, were reelected to serve for the ensuing year. 
Progress was reported in the matter of the boundary line post at 
New Albin and the prospect is that the sum of one hundred dollars 
appropriated by the General Assembly for the purpose of its pres- 
ervation will soon be applied to the use for which it was intended. 


In the January number of The Iowa Journal op History and 
Politics attention was called to the fact that a movement was on 
foot to organize a county historical society in Page County. That 
movement has been successful. The Page County Historical Society 
has been organized, with twenty-five charter members, and a consti- 
tution and by-laws have been adopted. In the words of the consti- 
tution, the society is organized "for the purpose of collecting and 
preserving books, papers and records, writings and relics, legal, mili- 
tary and other materials, relating to the history of Page County, 
Iowa, but may include such material as is illustrative of the history 
of the State and nation ; and the publication of such historical and 
biographical matter as the society may authorize." The member- 
ship fee is fifty cents and the annual dues are fifty cents. The head- 
quarters of the Society will be at Clarinda. 

A Board of Directors, of which I\Ir. A. F. Galloway is chairman, 



has been selected to manage the affairs of the Society until the first 
election of officers which will occur on May 8th. A special program 
is being planned for that time and a campaign for members has been 


Owing to the death of her father, Miss Eliza L. Johnson, who 
since 1905 has had charge of the library of the Society, has upon 
her own request been relieved of her work; and Miss Ruth A. 
Gallaher has been placed in charge of the library. 

The Society is in receipt of a handsome medallion commemorative 
of the three hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Dutch 
settlement on Manhattan Island in 1613, and of the two hundred 
and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Board of Aldermen 
in 1665. The medallion was presented by the Holland Society of 
New York. 

Volumes three and four of Dr. Clarence Ray Aurner's History of 
Education in Iowa have been distributed to members. Volume 
three is devoted to secondary education, including academies, pri- 
vate normal schools, business colleges, and especially the history of 
the public high school in Iowa. Volume four contains general his- 
torical accounts of the State University of Iowa, the Iowa State 
College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, and the State Teachers' 

By action of the Board of Curators, Library Membership in The 
State Historical Society of Iowa was abolished from and after Jan- 
uary 1, 1916, and in lieu thereof certain public and college libraries 
within the State together with a limited list of libraries and institu- 
tions outside the State were designated as official depositories for 
the publications of the Society. The list of depositories within the 
State includes 153 public and college libraries, while the deposi- 
tories outside the State number about sixty. These official deposi- 
tories will receive all of the publications of the Society as issued 
without the payment of any fee or dues whatsoever. In this way 
The State Historical Society of Iowa will continue to make its publi- 

VOL. XIV — 20 


cations accessible to the greatest possible number of persons inter- 
'Csted in the history of Iowa. 

Captain A. L. Conger of the Military Service Schools at Fort 
Leavenworth was the speaker at a conference-seminar held in the 
rooms of the Society on February 14th, his subject being "The Im- 
portance of the Study of Military History". One week later Pro- 
fessor William E. Dodd of the University of Chicago addressed a 
seminar on * ' The Southern Background of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence". Both of these seminars were arranged by Dr. Louis 
Pelzer, Assistant Professor of American History in the State Uni- 
versity of Iowa. 

The State Historical Society of Iowa is cooperating with the his- 
torical agencies in the States of Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wis- 
consin, and Minnesota, and the Historical Department of Iowa at 
Des Moines, in an enterprise which promises to be productive of 
much benefit to students of the history of this region. Under the 
joint patronage of these societies and departments, Dr. N. D. 
Mereness is preparing a calendar of the many papers in the archives 
of the Department of State at Washington which relate to the early 
history of these six States. A copy of this calendar will be secured 
by each one of the cooperating agencies and arrangements have 
been made whereby photostatic copies of any of the material listed 
in this calendar may be secured for the collections of the societies 
participating in the plan. In this way much valuable material 
hitherto virtually inaccessible to the research student will be made 
available at a comparatively small expense of labor and money. 

The following persons have recently been elected to membership 
in the Society: Mr. A. W. Brown, Davenport, Iowa; Dr. W. W. 
Carson, Sioux City, Iowa; Mr. J. C. Collier, Dubuque, Iowa; Miss 
Edith Eicher, Jefferson, Iowa; Miss Nellie E. Gardner, New Hamp- 
ton, Iowa; Mrs. Ruth Irish Preston, Davenport, Iowa; Mr. C. H. 
Northup, Ollie, Iowa ; Mr. Geo. E. Allen, Onawa, Iowa ; Mr. Lewis 
H. Andrews, Clearfield, Iowa; Mr. Martin Ausland, Emmetsburg, 
Iowa; Mr. G. G. Benjamin, Iowa City, Iowa; Mr. R. H. Croft, 
Winterset, Iowa; Mr. Chas. E. Davis, Tama, Iowa; Mr. C. E. Dean, 



Glenwood, Iowa ; Mr. J. S. Dewell, Mi^ouri Valley, Iowa ; Mr. L. F. 
Heiden, Garrison, Iowa; Miss Daisy Hixson, Winfield, Iowa; Mr. 
F. C. Huber, Larrabee, Iowa ; Mr. J. Sidney Johnson, Marshalltown, 
Iowa; Miss Joanna Kyle, Washington, Iowa; Mr. J. Dee London, 
College Springs, Iowa; Mr. Wm. T. Rigby, Vicksburg, Mississippi; 
Mr. L. M. Swindler, Yale, Iowa; Mr. Edwin H. Talbott, Brooklyn, 
Iowa; Mr. 0. L. von Krog, Emmetsburg, Iowa; and Mr. Frank L. 
Wilson, Meehanicsville, Iowa. 


A monument to Daniel and Rebecca Boone was unveiled and dedi- 
cated at Marthasville, Missouri, on October 29, 1915. 

The Burton Historical Library at Detroit has recently acquired 
about four thousand photostatic copies of papers in the archives of 
various offices at Washington relating to the early history of 

The annual meeting of the Swedish- American Society of Iowa was 
held at Des Moines on March 9th. The immediate object of this 
organization is the securing of funds with which to erect a monu- 
ment to John Ericsson, the inventor, on the eapitol grounds at Des 

At a meeting of the Pioneer Club of Des ]\Ioines early in January 
a resolution was adopted asking the Executive Council to erect on 
the eapitol grounds a suitable monument to the memory of the late 
General Grenville M. Dodge. The election of officers resulted in the 
choice of George B. Hippee as president, William Lowry as vice 
president, and Craig T. Wright as secretary-treasurer. 

On January 11, 1916, at Toledo, Iowa, occurred the death of 
Centenary B. Bradshaw, who from 1907 to 1914 was judge of the 
Seventeenth Judicial District, composed of Marshall, Tama, and 
Benton counties. He was born in Ohio, but moved to Iowa during 
his youth and received his education at Cornell College, being in 
attendance at that institution at the outbreak of the Civil War, in 
which he served for more than three years. 

The program for the third annual municipal day held at the 
State University of Iowa on March 28th under the auspices of the 
Extension Department included addresses and discussions by Pro- 
fessor Charles E. Merriam of the University of Chicago ; Mr. J. M. 
Switzer of Dayton, Ohio; Professor A. R. Hatton of Western Re- 




serve University ; Mr. 0. K. Patton of the State University of Iowa ; 
Mr. H. B. Vollmer of Webster City; and Mr. E. L. Marriage of 
Iowa Falls. 


Oliver Perry Shiras, who died in Florida on January 7, 1916, was 
often referred to as the most distinguished citizen of Dubuque, 
Iowa, in which city he resided for nearly sixty years. 

Judge Shiras was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, on October 
22, 1833. After attending the public schools of Pittsburgh he con- 
tinued his studies at the original Ohio University, and in the law 
school of Yale University. Turning to the West in 1856 for a prom- 
ising location in which to enter upon the practice of the law, he 
investigated the prospects in Indianapolis, Chicago, and St. Paul, 
with the result that he practically decided to locate in Chicago. 
But by mere chance he visited friends at Dubuque on his return 
journey from St. Paul to Chicago, and finding conditions there at- 
tractive he decided to make Dubuque his home. He was a member 
of the staff of General F. J. Herron during the Civil War. It was 
in 1882 that he was appointed United States Judge for the Northern 
District of Iowa, and he continued to serve, with distinguished abil- 
ity, in that capacity until 1903, when he retired. 


On February 22, 1916, at Des Moines, occurred the death of Henry 
Wallace, one of Iowa's best loved and most widely known citizens. 

Henry Wallace was born near West Newton, Pennsylvania, in 
1836. His collegiate education was received at Geneva Hall and 
Jefferson College, and after his graduation from the latter institu- 
tion he taught school for a time in Kentucky. Later, however, he 
attended two different theological seminaries and in 1862 entered 
the ministry of the United Presbyterian Church. One year after- 
ward he came to Iowa and was pastor of various churches in this 
State until 1878, when he was forced to abandon the ministry on ac- 
count of ill health. 

He now took up his abode at Winterset and at the same time pur- 


chased a farm in Adair County, in the management of which his 
health was restored. During this period he became interested in 
journalism and acquired a part interest in a newspaper at Winterset. 
From 1883 to 1895 he was connected with the Iowa Homestead at 
Des Moines. Retiring from that paper, in partnership with his sons 
he established Wallace's Farmer in 1897. Throughout the long 
period of his editorial labors he was always alert to promote the 
interests and protect the rights of the farmers of Iowa, who owe 
much to his efforts. His election to the National Conservation Con- 
gress, and his appointment by President Roosevelt as a member of 
the Country Life Commission were honors which indicated the high 
esteem in which he was held throughout the country. 


William Peters Hepburn was born at Wellsville, Ohio, on Novem- 
ber 4, 1833. When he was eight years of age the family moved to 
the Territory of Iowa and settled on a frontier claim not far from 
Iowa City, then the capital of the Territory. He was for a time a 
student in the institution known as Mechanics' Academy. Later he 
became a printer's apprentice in the office of the Iowa City Repub- 
lican. After three years he took up the study of law in the office of 
William Penn Clarke and was admitted to the bar in 1854. He was 
married to Miss Malvinia A. Morseman in 1855 and in the following 
year moved to Marshalltown, where he soon became prosecuting 
attorney of Marshall County. 

Mr. Hepburn served as clerk of the House of Representatives 
during the last session of the General Assembly held at Iowa City 
and the first session held at Des Moines. He was elected district 
attorney of the Eleventh Judicial District in 1858 and held that 
position until he resigned at the outbreak of the Civil War to enter 
the army. In the meantime he was a delegate from Iowa to the 
Republican National Convention in 1860. Beginning as captain of 
Company B, Second Iowa Infantry, he was successively promoted 
to the rank of major and lieutenant colonel. 

After the close of the war Mr. Hepburn moved to Clarinda, Iowa, 
which remained his home until the time of his death. Here he took 



an active interest in polities, and in 1880 was elected Congressman 
from the eighth district. With the exception of three terms, from 
1887 to 1893, he served continuously in this position until 1909, 
when he was defeated for election to the Sixty-first Congress by 
William D. Jamieson. During this time he established for himself 
a firm place in the respect of his colleagues and in the confidence of 
his constituents. He was especially noted for his abilities as an 
orator and debater. He died at Clarinda on February 7, 1916. 


Thomas Teakle, Chairman of the History Department, 
North High School, Des Moines, Iowa. Member of The State 
Historical Society of Iowa. Author of The Rendition of 
Barclay Coppoc and The Defalcation of Superintendent James 
D. Eads. (See The Iowa Journal op History and Politics 
for October, 1912, p. 593.) 

EuTH Augusta Gallahee, Eesearch Librarian in the Li- 
brary of The State Historical Society of Iowa. (See The Iowa 
Journal op History and Politics for January, 1916, p. 156.) 

HiEAM FosTEE White, Miles, Washington. Born in New 
York State in 1849. Graduate of Williams College. Taught 
school in Wisconsin and was engaged in newspaper work in 
Milwaukee during the early seventies. Pastor of Presbyterian 
churches in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Nebraska, and Washington. 
Allotting Agent on the Klamath Indian Reservation, 1907- 



Established by Law in the Yeae 1857 
iNCOEPOflATED : 1867 AND 1892 

Located at Iowa City Iowa 

P. H. LEE 

JAMES W. GEIMES, First President 





PAUL A. KOEAB Teeasubek 


Elected iy the Society Appointed by the Governor 

J. W. Rich Hensy G. Walkee Maesh W. Bailey Byeon W. Newbeeey 

Euclid Sandeks Heney Albeet M. P. Edwaeds A. C. Savage 


Masvin H. JDiY Chaeles M. Dutohee John T. Moffit W, H. Tedfoed 

Geo. E. Geiee J. B. Weaves 


Any person may become a member of The State Historical Society op 
Iowa upon election by the Board of Curators and tbe payment of an entrance fee 
of $3.00. 

Membership in this Society may be retained after the first year upou the 
payment of $3,00 annually. 

Members of the Society shall be entitled to receive the quarterly and all other 
publications of the Society during the continuance of their membership. 

Address all Communications to 
The State Histobical SociEry Iowa City Iowa 


Iowa Journal 


JULY 1916 

Published Qussrterlyhy 


Iowa. City Iowa 

B]it«rc4 Dec«m1>er 26 1802 at Iowb City Iowa at second-claaa matter under a«t of Oongreaa <rf J«Iy 1* 1804 

Associate Editor, DAN E. CLARK 

Vol XIV JULY 1916 No 3 


Episodes in the Early History of the Des Moines Valley 

Jacob Van DER Zee 311 

Indian Agents in Iowa. I — Agents Among the Sacs and Foxes 

KuTH A. Gallahee 348 

Arguments in Favor of the Admission of Iowa into the Union 

Dan Elbert Clark 395 

Some Publications . 438 

Western Americana ...... 446 

lowana ........... 45 1 

Historical Societies 461 

Notes and Comment 473 

Contributors 476 

Copyrigki 1916 bjf The State Sittoricai Bodetf Of Iowa 





Addreu all CommunioatiiitHi to 



VOL. XIV — 21 


[The early history of the Des Moines Valley will be continued in another 
article by Mr. Van der Zee, dealing with the opening of the valley to settlement 
by the whites. — Editor] 

There is no portion of Iowa which offers so rich a field 
for historical investigation as does the valley of the River 
Des Moines. A sketch of the events which took place in this 
region before the coming of permanent settlers excellently 
epitomizes the story of what happened in the dim period of 
two centuries preceding the rush of immigration to the fer- 
tile lands of the Upper Mississippi Valley. Likewise, the 
early history of the Des Moines Valley presents a unique 
cross-sectional view of the history of Iowa before and 
during its first occupation by the pioneers. 


Relying upon the only known sources of information, the 
earliest accounts of exploration in the Upper Mississippi 
region, one is obliged to conclude that no white man laid 
eyes upon the Iowa wilderness until the memorable year 
1673. That the French travelers and traders, Radisson and 
Groseilliers, set foot upon Iowa soil in 1659 or 1660, as has 
been claimed, can never be satisfactorily proved by the nar- 
rative of their journeyings. Nevertheless, if one may be- 
lieve the statement that Radisson visited a tribe of Indians 
called ''Maingonis", to him must be ascribed the distinction 
of having recorded in its original form^ the name which is 
now applied, in slightly altered form, as "Moingona", to a 

1 Scull's Voyages of Peter Esprit Eadisson, p. 246; Dr. L. G. Weld's address 
entitled On the Way to Iowa, p. 20; The Iowa Journal of History and 
Politics, Vol. XII, p. 328. 



town, and as *'Des Moines" to many townships, to a county, 
to a tributary of the Mississippi, to a United States fort, and 
to the State capital of Iowa. 

On their epoch-making journey of discovery from Canada 
by way of the Great Lakes, the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, 
and down the Mississippi in 1673, Louis Joliet and Father 
Marquette disembarked upon the Iowa shore at a spot where 
they found the tracks of human feet. After following a trail 
for some miles westward, they came to a village of **Peou- 
area ' ' Indians upon the bank of a river. Besides the account 
of his experiences Marquette left a rough map of the region 
visited, showing the river and the Peouarea village, and 
farther to the westward, away from the river, he indicated 
a second village by the name of "Moingouena". Judging 
from these facts and supported also by the latitudes re- 
corded by Marquette, some historians have assumed that 
the explorers discovered the Des Moines River. This view, 
however, was exploded upon the scientific investigation of 
Marquette's map. The better opinion would seem to be 
that the stream was none other than the Iowa, but it is not 
intended to deny that the Moingouena Indians even at that 
time may have dwelt upon the river which to-day bears their 
name in its abbreviated French form.^ 


So far, then, as the records bear testimony, there is no 
evidence to prove that Joliet and Marquette discovered the 
largest river in the Iowa country, although, of course, they 
passed its mouth on the long journey southward. In the 
spring of 1680 three other Frenchmen — Michel Accault, 
Antoine Angel, and Father Hennepin — were despatched 

2 Weld 's Joliet and Marquette in Iowa in The Iowa Jootnal of Histoey and 
Politics, Vol. I, pp. 14, 15; see also Vol. XII, pp. 330-334. Mr. Johnson 
Brigham in his History of Des Moines and Polk County, Vol. I, p. 3, erroneously 
cites Dr. Weld as concurring with the older view that Joliet and Marquette 
landed near the mouth of the Des Moines River. 


up the Mississippi by their master, La Salle, who was then 
laying plans to explore and exploit the Great Valley. Ex- 
cept for the bare mention of two large rivers flowing from 
the west, the "Otontenta" and the St. Peter's, which may 
have been the present Des Moines and Minnesota rivers, 
they left no record of having spent any time in the Iowa 

From this time onward French forest-rangers and voy- 
ageurs resorted more and more to the region west of the 
Great Lakes in quest of furs and pelts. Just when the 
French began to use the name "Des Moines" may never be 
ascertained. In 1688, however, the French cartographer, 
Franquelin, prepared a map of the Mississippi Valley and 
noted upon it the "Eiviere des Moingona" and a village of 
Moingona Indians. These details of American geography 
he may have obtained from traders or explorers who in turn 
may have learned them by actual experience or by mere 

In the same year took place the remarkable voyage after- 
wards reported in Europe by Baron Lahontan in his book 
of travels. This gentleman announced to the world his dis- 
covery and exploration of a wonderful river west of the 
Mississippi — La Riviere Longue. Later travelers revealed 
the falsity of the Baron's claims and branded him as an 
impostor, but modern historians have seriously attempted 
to identify the Baron's fabulous river, some even suggest- 
ing the Des Moines. Indeed, a curious map of the Upper 
Mississippi made in the year 1720 lends color to this view : 
it depicts the Riviere Des Moingona taking its start far to 
the westward at a point where it bears the words: "Jus- 
qu'icy est venu le Baron de Lahontan" (To this place came 

3 The Iowa Joubnal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 335, 336, 337. 
* The Iowa Jouenal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 337. 


Baron de Lahontan).^ This chart may have been based 
upon Lahontan's pretended discovery. 

Dr. Daniel Coxe, an Englishman who had bought up all 
rights in the patent of Carolina, some time before the year 
1700 sent two armed ships to explore the regions to which 
he laid claim and in 1722 compiled from the alleged jour- 
nals and memoirs of the officers of one ship a description of 
the Great Valley. He told of " a fair river, which our peo- 
ple were at the mouth of, but could not learn its name. I 
suppose it's the same the French call Moingona. Some 
make it to proceed from the Mitchayowa or long river, as 
may be discerned in the annexed map ; but as all our jour- 
nals are silent in that matter, so shall I, till some more per- 
fect discoveries thereof afford us further light and certainty 
therein. ' ' Coxe 's book has suffered the fate of Lahontan 's : 
it has come to be looked upon as a mere invention contrived 
to bolster up his claims "against the French by asserting 
priority for English explorations."^ 

In the summer of 1700, while Pierre Charles Le Sueur 
and a score of companions were ascending the Mississippi 
in a felucca and two canoes, Penicaut, journalist of the ex- 
pedition, recorded passing the mouth of a river called "the 
Eiviere de Moingona, the name of a nation of Savages who 
dwelt upon its banks''.'^ Profiting by the information 
gained from Le Sueur and earlier explorers, the most fa- 
mous French cartographer of that day, William de L'Isle, 
in 1703 compiled a map of Louisiana and the Mississippi, 

"A copy of this map may be found ill the Annals of loica (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, p. 558. See Thwaites's Lahontan's Voyages to North America, Vol. I, 
pp. xxiii, xxxviii, 167, 178, 179; Shea's Charlevoix's History and General De- 
scription of Neiv France, Vol. I, p. S7. 

6 Winsor's The Mississippi Basin, p. 46. For Coxe's account see Alvord and 
Bidgood's First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Eegion, pp. 232, 233; 
French's Historical Collections of Louisiana, Series I, Vol. II, pp. 230, 232. 

^Margry's Decouvertes et Etahlissements des Francois, dans I'Ouest et dans 
le Sud de I'Amerique Septentrionale, Vol. V, p. 411. 


including among its tributaries the *'des Moines ou le 
Moingona" River.^ 

The only Frenchman of those times who really left more 
than a fragmentary record of his knowledge of the Louisi- 
ana country after a visit was Father Peter Francis Xavier 
de Charlevoix. From hearsay this Jesuit priest described 
the valley of the Des Moines in 1721 as follows : 

On the left side about fifty leagues above the river of Buffaloes, 
the river Moingona issues from the midst of an immense meadow, 
which swarms with Buffaloes and other wild beasts : at its entrance 
into the Mississippi, it is very shallow as well as narrow ; neverthe- 
less, its course from north to west, is said to be two hundred and 
fifty leagues in length. It rises from a lake and is said to form a 
second, at the distance of fifty leagues from the first. 

Turning to the left from this second lake we enter into Blue 
River, so called from its bottom, which is an earth of that color. It 
discharges itself into the river of St. Peter [now the Minnesota] . 
Going up the Moingona, we find great plenty of pit coal, and a 
hundred and fifty leagues from its mouth there is a very large cape, 
which causes a turn in the river, in which place its waters are red 
and stinking. It is affirmed, that great quantities of mineral stones 
and some antimony have been found upon this cape. 

A league above the mouth of the Moingona there are two rapids 
or strong currents of a considerable length in the Mississippi, where 
passengers are obliged to unload and carry their pirogues: and 
above the second rapide, that is about twenty leagues from the 
Moingona, there are lead mines on both sides of the river, which 
were discovered some time ago, by a famous traveller of "Canada 
called Nicholas Perrot, whose name they still bear".^ 


Having found their way to the Upper Mississippi Valley 
during the last quarter of the eighteenth century, French- 

8 A copy of this map may be found in French 's Historical Collections of 
Louisiana, Series I, Vol. II, frontispiece. 

9 Charlevoix's Journal of a Voyage to North-America (Printed for E. and J. 
Dodsley, London, 1761), Vol. II, pp. 225, 226. 


men from New France (Canada) and Louisiana began to 
interest themselves in the religious and economic life of the 
native inhabitants. In general, the relations between Euro- 
peans and Indians were so peaceful that French mission- 
aries and traders achieved considerable success. But an 
event soon occurred which was the beginning of nearly thir- 
ty years of war in the Wisconsin-Illinois-Iowa country. 

The main-travelled highway to this region from eastern 
Canada was an almost continuous waterway consisting of 
the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, Green Bay, the Fox 
River, one mile and a half of portage by land, and the Wis- 
consin Eiver. Along the banks of the Fox Eiver dwelt the 
Fox Indians who had never taken a fancy to the white in- 
vaders. After years of non-resistance they burst into open 
hostility in 1712: not only did they make attacks upon 
French traders and black-robed priests, but they also raised 
their tomahawks against all the tribes which had alliances 
or dealings with the French. Stirred on and aided by the 
savage Iroquois Indians of the East who were said to be 
under English influence in the interests of the fur trade, 
the Foxes practically ruined the Frenchmen's business in 
furs and carried death and destruction to neighboring 
tribes to the southward.^*^ Indeed, at this time there re- 
commenced the intertribal wars which almost completely 
wiped out the Illinois family of tribes, among them the 
Peorias and Moingwenas who had long roamed the Iowa- 
Illinois country.^ ^ 

10 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVI, pp. 289, 298, 327, 339, 340, 
417; Vol. XVII, p. xii. For the beginning of the Iroquois invasions and the 
alleged English interest in the beavers of the West see Documents Belative to 
the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. IX, pp. 162, 163. 

11 Bureau of American Ethnology's HandhooTc of American Indians, Part I, 
p. 598. Lewis and Clark in 1804 reported that to the Sacs and Foxes was 
"justly attributable the almost entire destruction of the Missouries, the Illinois, 
Cahokias, Kaskaskias, and Peorias." — American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 
Vol. I, pp. 711, 712, 714. 


After fifteen years of intermittent and bloody warfare 
between the Foxes and neighboring tribes, the Governor- 
General of Canada, Sieur de Beauharnois, determined to 
destroy the Fox nation in order to effect a sure and endur- 
ing peace. To this plan the King of France gave assent. 
In 1729 the Fox region was laid waste. Finding that the 
Sioux and the ''Ayowets" (loways) of the Minnesota-Iowa 
region would not give them shelter, the Foxes were obliged 
to return to the site of their old village and sue for peace. 
Then, harassed on all sides by their hostile neighbors and 
pursued by their enemies, they were at last brought to bay 
near "the Rock" on the Illinois River. A French-Indian 
force in 1730 succeeded in crushing and all but exterminat- 
ing the rebellious natives: "not more than 50 or 60 men 
Escaped Without guns and Without any of the Implements 
for procuring their Subsistence". All the other warriors 
and many women and children were killed, while the sur- 
vivors were captured and scattered as slaves among the 
Indian nations. The warriors who escaped fled across the 
Mississippi to seek an asylum among the loways who then 
seem to have occupied what is now eastern lowa.^^ 

Scarcely had the French reestablished themselves in the 
Wisconsin and Minnesota country, however, when a small 
incident again blasted their hopes of future tranquillity. 
After their defeat the Fox fugitive warriors gradually col- 
lected their enslaved women and children together, and 
during this revival of their tribal life, they were again 
attacked by other nations with the approbation of French 
officers of the colony. The Governor-General then ordered 
Sieur de Villiers "to bring all the Renards to Montreal", 
believing "that to send them to France with the view of 
distributing them among the islands [such as the French 
West Indies] would Be the most advantageous for the 

12 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 21, 62, 63, 65, 113, 117, 130. 


Country because here [in Canada] they could always de- 
sert to the English." Furthermore, if de Villiers could not 
get ''that Wretched Eemnant" to obey, he had orders to 
wipe them out. This officer with a force of French and 
Indians repaired to the post at Green Bay in 1733 and 
called upon the Sac Indians to give up the Foxes who had 
taken refuge among them. When they temporised, de 
Villiers with a few others went to demand the refugees and 
in a rash attempt to enter their fort was shot down.^^ 

Already filled with sympathy for the fast-dwindling tribe 
of Foxes and fearing their inability to atone for the death 
of so great an official, the Sacs cast in their lot with the 
hunted Foxes. The allied tribes at once withdrew from the 
Wisconsin country, crossed the Mississippi, and buried 
themselves in the Iowa wilderness in the hope of escaping 
punishment for an act which they had never plotted. In the 
month of October, 1734, they were reported as having wan- 
dered about for some time, asking "In vain for a refuge 
among the sioux and ayouis who refused it to them", and 
they finally established themselves in two forts upon the 
Wapsipinicon Eiver. 

Meanwhile the French were not inactive. Governor- 
General Beauharnois of Canada, fearing that the failure to 
send a French army in pursuit of the fugitives might pro- 
duce a bad impression on all the Indian nations, determined 
''to detach a party of 84 French, consisting of seven officers 
and the remainder of Cadets, Sergeants, Soldiers and some 
settlers." All eagerly volunteered for the service, while 
over two hundred Iroquois, Pottawattamies, and Hurons 
also expressed the greatest willingness to take revenge 
upon their Sac and Fox enemies, 

Nicolas Joseph de Noyelles was selected to command the 

13 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVTI. pp. 140, 148, 153, 15.5, 161, 167, 
182, 183, 189, 202, 210. A Fox cliief by the name of Kiala about this time was 
sent to Martinique for safe-keeping. 


party, because he was "very Efficient and is greatly loved 
by the Savages. And lie Adds to these qualities a Constitu- 
tion capable of Enduring the fatigues of an Expedition 
which can be undertaken only in a very inclement season, 
for it will be necessary to proceed a very great distance on 
foot and on Snow-shoes." The captain set out from Mon- 
treal on August 14, 1734, with orders to go to Detroit and 
thence westward to grant peace to the Sacs "if they consent 
to give up the Renards ; If not to destroy both nations And 
to let our Savages eat them up. "^'^ 

On the way to the Iowa country Captain de Noyelles and 
his war party captured a few Sacs who reported that "the 
Renards were no longer at la Pomme de Cigne [Wapsipin- 
icon River] and that they had withdrawn to the Riviere 
sans fourche." The French accordingly crossed the Mis- 
sissippi early in the year 1735 and under the worst condi- 
tions penetrated the wilderness in search of the allied 
tribes. With some surprise they came upon fifty-five Indian 
lodges "on the other side of a very wide and rapid River 
full of floating ice." They crossed the stream and com- 
menced an engagement in which the French lost a few men 
and the allies had thirty killed, wounded, and taken prison- 
ers — perhaps the first and only pitched battle ever fought 
in the Iowa country between whites and Indians. 

Such was the indecisive battle of * ' the River Mongona 60 
Leagues from the spot where that River falls into the Mis- 
sissippi". De Noyelles informed the Sacs that their Father, 
the Governor-General, "would grant them their lives on 
condition that they would abandon the Renards ' ' and return 
to their old haunts near Green Bay. After they promised 
to do so, the little French army departed southward, having 
at least convinced the savages "that the French are as 

1* Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 206, 208, 209, 210, 216. 


capable as they of undertaking Marches and of seeking the 
enemy at the extremities of the Colony. "^^ 

One year later the Fox tribe, still migratory, had a fight- 
ing force of one hundred men.^^ They and the Sacs were 
begging for their lives and in 1737, through the intercession 
of other tribes, Beauharnois was prevailed upon to grant 
their request for mercy. Two years had passed, however, 
when a French officer named Pierre Paul, Sieur Marin, re- 
ported that "the Eenards And Sakis have not dared to go 
and Establish themselves at la Baye [Green Bay], because 
some ill-disposed French had told them that I was Sending 
a large body of soldiers to Eat them up. ' ' The Foxes, feel- 
ing that their French overlords were displeased, asserted 
that they were doing no wrong by staying in the country of 
the loways "as we have only come here to provide for our 
families who would meet with hardships elsewhere." The 
Sacs, too, complained that they had not rekindled their fires 
in the Green Bay region because "there are no longer any 
Crops, fishing or hunting to be had there, because it is a soil 
that can no longer produce anything, Being Stained with 
French blood and with our own." Furthermore, the allies 
had not returned to their old habitat on the Fox River be- 
cause they had been frightened by "the Thunder which 
hangs above our heads ready to Crush us" — a French army 
of which they had received warning.^ 

15 For two different original accounts of this French expedition into the Iowa 
country see The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 247- 

10 Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. 
IX, p. 1055. 

17 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 263, 275, 315, 316, 319, 
320, 324. In 1718 there was made the following report of the land of the Sacs 
and the Foxes in Wisconsin : ' ' There is excellent hunting in these parts, and the 
people live well in consequence of the abundance of meat and fish, of the latter 
of which this Fox river is very full." — Documents Relative to the Colonial His- 
tory of the State of New York, Vol. IX, p. 889. 


Having found safety among the Sioux Indians west of 
the Mississippi and planning to find a retreat among the 
Iroquois Indians, if necessary, the Foxes in 1741 caused the 
French to revive secretly their project of extermination. 
Marin, nevertheless, left nothing undone to persuade the 
allied tribes to remove from the Iowa and Illinois country, 
and owing to his exertions, many of them were again set- 
tled near Green Bay in July, 1742. Thus, "the plan of 
calming Minds by Conciliatory means" brought about the 
peace which the French needed to exploit the West.'^* 


The Fox wars having been ended, who were the native 
inhabitants of the eastern Iowa wilderness? The Moin- 
gwenas and the Peorias who had once used this region as 
hunting-grounds appear to have joined forces with other 
Illinois tribes as the only way to protect themselves against 
their common enemies, the Foxes and the Iroquois. Their 
numbers were terribly reduced and by the year 1736 the 
Moingwenas seem to have been completely wiped out as a 
distinct tribe.^^ The loway Indians, never a numerous 
tribe, are occasionally met with in these early years, but 
they seem to have had no permanent village homes — they 
were of a nomadic turn of mind. The Sioux Indians prob- 
ably frequented the prairies and forests south of their 
Minnesota habitat more than other native tribes. Certain 
it is that owing to the general turmoil during the first half 
of the eighteenth century French coureurs de hois and 
voyageurs were never really safe in their search for furs in 
the Upper Mississippi Valley. 

i» Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVII, pp. 338, 363, 398, 404, 436; 
Vol. XVIII, p. 4. 

-i-'i Documents Eelative to the Colonial History of the State of New YorTc, 
Vol. IX, p. 10.57. The Moingwenas received no mention in a report of 1757. — 
Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 177. 


In the summer of 1749 three Frenchmen were murdered 
by the Sioux and in the autumn another with his slave was 
killed "on the Eiviere des mouens by the petits osages." 
Such was the report of the French commandant of Fort 
Chartres opposite the mouth of the Missouri. The Little 
Osages of the Missouri country, scouring the Iowa wilder- 
ness for game or enemies, had come upon a man named 
Giguiere while hunting on the upper Des Moines River. 
They afterwards atoned for their crime by sending the 
murderer's scalp to the French officer so that the French 
could say: "Nothing can be added to the submission of 
those petits Ossages ; their rectitude surpasses everything 
that can be expected of a savage nation, "^o 

Difficulties began to thicken about the French who were 
trying to hold the western country in these years. As in 
Europe, so in America, they were preparing for a death 
grapple with England. All available troops were, therefore, 
collected for the struggle in Canada. The year 1760 wit- 
nessed the collapse of the French regime in the Upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley. Then, in 1762, before the French and the 
English made the treaty of peace which closed the war, 
France secretly conveyed to Spain all the vast territory 
west of the Mississippi River. Henceforth the Iowa wilder- 
ness lay within the jurisdiction of Spanish officials at New 

The territory east of the Mississippi having fallen into 
the hands of England, English subjects lost no time in 
hastening thither to reap the trade benefits of British dom- 
ination.22 England's new French-Canadian subjects, how- 
ever slightly they may have been engaged in the fur trade 

20 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 60, 86, S7. The French 
at this time also gave the Des Moines Eiver the name ' ' des Moens ' '. 

21 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 353, 355. 

22 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 356. 


of the Mississippi Valley, no doubt continued their opera- 
tions wherever they could strike a bargain. When Spanish 
officials took charge of the government of Upper Louisiana 
in 1768, their first concern seems to have been to keep all 
English subjects, whether from Canada or the thirteen 
Atlantic colonies, from trading with the native inhabitants 
of Spanish territory. Indeed, in 1767, Governor Ulloa is- 
sued instructions to a captain of infantry to construct two 
forts at the mouth of the Missouri to prevent the English 
from entering that river and other Mississippi tributaries.^^ 
Prairie du Chien at the mouth of the "Wisconsin was a 
considerable market to which the Indian tribes already re- 
sorted to trade their furs for the merchandise brought in 
boats from New Orleans and Mackinac. In the summer 
months of 1769, among the Indians who went for trade and 
presents to the Spanish settlements near the mouth of the 
Missouri were the "Ayooua" (Iowa), the Sioux, the Sacs, 
and the Foxes. It was the beginning of keen rivalry be- 
tween English subjects and Spanish subjects for the fur 
trade of the Upper Mississippi. Whether the latter visited 
the haunts of the Indian tribes in the western half of the 
valley is not known, but in the year 1777 a Spanish official 
complained about the loss of trade in the Iowa country. He 
reported that the ''Hayuas" (lowas), a tribe consisting of 
two hundred and fifty warriors under the chieftainship of 
"El Ladron" (The Eobber), were located eighty leagues 
from St. Louis "on the shores of the Muen [Des Moines] 
river." Their occupation was hunting "but no benefit to 
trade results therefrom, for the reason that the fur-trade is 
carried on continually with the traders who are introducing 
themselves into that river from the English district. "^^ 

23 Houck 's The Spanish Begime in Missouri, Vol. I, p. 24. 

24 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 356, 357, 359 ; 
Houck 's The Spanish Regime in Missouri, Vol. I, p. 145. 


British traders from Canada and the East seem thus to 
have been energetic and active enough to beat their Spanish 
competitors upon Spanish soil. The Indians no doubt 
looked with favor upon the visits of these merchants at 
their villages and hunting-camps because it obviated the 
necessity of long journeys to market. The Sioux tribes, 
dwelling in Spanish territory north of the loways, likewise 
conferred no trade benefits upon the Spanish, for, in the 
language of the report of 1777, "the traders from the Eng- 
lish district are gaining entrance by way of the Muen river 
through the district called Fuzch, one hundred and fifty 
leagues from the Misisipy, in order to trade with them." 

Fuzch" was probably the region about the head waters of 
the Des Moines, then already frequented by the Yankton 
Sioux of the Dakota country .^^ 

Who were the British merchant adventurers in the Des 
Moines Valley at this early day? Their names unfortunate- 
ly have not been discovered. They may have been simply 
employees of Canadian trading firms or English subjects 
bartering with the natives on their own account. Whoever 
they were, they came to be the special mark of Spanish 
resentment. In November, 1778, Don Fernando de Leyba, 
Governor of Upper Louisiana, informed his superior at 
New Orleans that Fort San Carlos situated above the mouth 

25 The Spanish reported that the Foxes then dwelt upon the Mississippi two 
hundred leagues north of St. Louis and that the Sacs dwelt thirty leagues 
farther north. The former had a village on the west side of the river near the 
Wapsipinicon Eiver, the latter on the east side near the mouth of the Wisconsin. 
See Houck's The Spanish JRegime in Missouri, Vol. I, p. 146; Wisconsin His- 
torical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 365. 

Peter Pond, the illiterate but by no means ignorant Connecticut trader who 
wrote an account of his western experiences during the years 1773-1775, made 
the following statement of the Yankton Sioux: "Ye Yantonose are faroshas 
and Eude in thare Maners Perhaps Oeing in Sum masher to thare Leadig an 
Obsger [obscure] life in the Planes. Thay are not Convarsant with Evrey other 
tribe. Thay Seldom Sea thare Nighbers. Thay Leade a wandering Life in 
that Extensive Plane Betwene the Miseura & Missicippey. " — Wisconsin His- 
torical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 353. 


of the Missouri had outlived its usefulness and that a new 
fort should be established "at the entrance of Mua river". 
To this proposal Bernardo de Galvez made answer in part 
as follows : 

For their garrison and that of the other posts, you would need 
200 men, who would be divided in the manner set forth by Your 
Grace. I must inform you that, not only have I no authority to 
cause extraordinary expenses on the royal treasury, since that the 
situado (as Your Grace is not ignorant) of this province is reduced 
to the mere wages of the employes and the pay of the troops of the 
province, but that there is also added to this difficulty that of the 
garrison of all this colony being at present too short to assign 200 
men to those settlements. Consequently, I cannot assent to your 
proposition, although I can lay it before His Majesty so that he may 
determine what may be his royal pleasure. I charge Your Grace 
meanwhile to endeavor to prevent the English from entering said 
rivers, and to see to it that they do not entice our Indians, this being 
a matter that is so straitly charged in the instructions carried by 
Your Grace. 

I received the plan which Your Grace sent me by which I shall 
have knowledge of those settlements. I thank you a thousand times 
for it. 

May God preserve Your Grace many years, Nueva Orleans, Janu- 
ary 13, 1779. 

Spain soon declared war against England, so that the 
loyal British of the West at this time had two opponents : 
rebel Americans under George Rogers Clark and Spaniards 
under the officials of Louisiana. The English lost no time 
in preparing for an attack upon both. They set about to 
win over as many of the Indian tribes as possible, among 
them the Sacs and Foxes. The latter were invited to meet 
King George's military agent, Joseph Calve, "at the River 
des Mouins". A French trader, Pierre Prevost, notified 
George Rogers Clark early in 1780 that "the people 
[traders] from michilimakinac who are at the River des 
Moins tell the Savages that they regard you As The mean- 

voL. XIV — 22 


est of wretches, saying everything against you and all the 
People of the Illinois advising the Savages to Pillage all 
those who Come from there, consequently I have not yet 
gone from here. I could not probably Withdraw without 
losing money, because of the Counsel of these rascals. "^^ 
Although an Anglo-Savage army attacked St. Louis after- 
wards, the expedition proved to be little more than a useless 
foray .^'^ 

In December, 1780, Francisco Cruzat wrote about "the 
expenses which the English are incurring and the exorbitant 
amounts of merchandise which are continually consumed 
among the Indian tribes, in order to attract them to their 
side, inducing them by deceitful and threatening words, to 
turn against us." He also informed his superior at New 
Orleans of another fact of interest about the native inhab- 
itants of the Des Moines Valley. To quote from his letter 

I have just learned that a band of the Aioas [Iowa], doubtless 
excited by the enemy, has corrupted the Hotos [Oto] tribe which is 
located on the upper Misury and has promised them to join the other 
tribes opposed to us in order to show as great hostility as possible 
toward us. I do not doubt the truth of this, for I know the Indians, 
and I know by experience that the appearance of gain does not ex- 
cite them to take action, but the reality of the presents does. Since 
the English make so many of these to all the tribes of whom they 
wish to make use, they always obtain from them whatever they 
desire, unless, by the same methods, we destroy their hopes by 
deceiving the barbarians as they are doing, and, as I have already 
said, with exorbitant gifts. By this news, although it deserves some 
confirmation, and by other, which I am receiving daily, and which 
is current in these countries, but which I omit, as they are related 
to one another. Your Lordship can infer the situation of these settle- 
ments and that of the tribes allied to us. I am contriving to satisfy 
them more by astuteness than by presents, for, although I work by 

28 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 404, 406. 

27 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 362. 

28 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 413, 414r-416. 


means of presents as much as is possible to me, they never reach the 
himdredth part of those which our enemies are distributing among 
them, as is well known and as Your Lordship can inform yourself — 
a reason which makes it possible for them to find as many Indian 
auxiliaries as they wish. 

For some time, it seems, the Spanish officials had praised 
the valor, zeal, and experience of a retired officer named 
Don Esteban Boucher de Monbruen. Cruzat proposed to 
put him in command of a small force for further service 
and in February, 1781, received instructions "to keep 
Monsieur Boucher de Monbrun, with a detachment of forty 
militiamen, on the Misisipi among the Sac tribe" forty 
leagues from St. Louis in order to observe the movements 
of the English and win the affection of the tribes. Accord- 
ingly de Monbruen was stationed at the Sac village just 
above the mouth of the Des Moines River near the site of 
the present town of Montrose, Iowa. He must have done 
his duty unusually well, for the English in the spring of 
1783 complained of a ''Mr. Moumbourne Bouche .... 
with a Gang of Moroders, whom annoy the Traders very 
much, by exacting Goods &c."^^ 



By the terms of the treaty of peace which concluded the 
Revolutionary War in 1783, England retained for Canadians 
the important right to trade with the Indians upon Amer- 
ican soil. About the year 1784 there were formed two cor- 
porations for the exploitation of the fur-bearing regions of 
Canada and the territory west and southwest of the Great 
Lakes — the North- West and Mackinac companies. The 
latter appears to have plied its traffic in the country now 

29 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XII, p. 66 ; Vol. XVIII, pp. 419, 
422; Houck's The Spanish Begime in Missouri, Vol. I, pp. 198, 201; The Iowa 



included in the States of Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota, and 
Iowa. Spanish authority west of the Mississippi seems to 
have been regularly defied and even Indian tribes of the 
Upper Missouri were reached by stemming the current of 
the Des Moines and the St. Peter's rivers. The use of these 
water routes by the English resulted in the loss of consid- 
erable trade at the Spanish towns of St. Louis and New 

Some time during the year 1791 the Governor of Louisi- 
ana asserted that the only way to keep the English traders 
from poaching upon Spanish preserves was to construct 
''two strong posts on the Mouis and San Pedro Rivers." 
Baron de Carondelet who became Governor in 1792, when 
called upon to give his opinion about the plan, answered as 

In eomplianee with your Excellency's order dated February 17 
of last year [1792] I have to report that under present circum- 
stances the establishment of the two forts proposed by the then 
Lieutenant Governor of Ylinoa, Don Manuel Perez, as the only 
means to restrain the introduction of the English to the Misouris 
seems to me not only useless but dangerous. They are useless be- 
cause two forts in a region such as that, extending over more than 
two hundred and fifty miles of uninhabited country, will never 
interfere with the communication and the passage of the English 
to the tribes living near the Misouris. They are dangerous because, 
this province being so destitute of forces that it can scarcely main- 
tain a garrison of two hundred men at San Louis de Ylinoa [St. 
Louis], at five hundred leagues distance from this capital [New 
Orleans] , it is evident that these forts situated farther up by eighty 
leagues or more, in the midst of the warlike tribes who surround 
them, will immediately excite the wrath of the English and will also 
arouse the resentment of these same tribes who are so well disposed 
toward the latter, so that the forts will be exposed at every instant 

30 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 439. 

31 Houek 's The Spanish Eegime in Missouri, Vol. I, pp. 332, 342, 343 ; Wis- 
consin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 441. 


to the attacks of the one or the other without having any place to 
rely upon for reinforcements. 

Nevertheless, by the year 1794 Governor de Carondelet 
had changed his mind. He warned Spain that the English 
of Canada and especially the people of the United States 
endangered Spanish domination west of the Mississippi, the 
rich fur trade of the Missouri being their main objective. 
Only military preparedness could prevent encroachments 
upon the western half of the Great Valley. Among the 
fortifications deemed necessary for the adequate protection 
of Spanish trade and Spanish settlements de Carondelet 
recommended forts at the entrance to the St. Peter's and 
the Des Moines rivers. In this way the communication of 
the English with the savage nations upon the Upper Mis- 
souri could be effectually cut off, for Canadians were then 
said to be introducing themselves in increasing numbers 
"upon said river and among the nations living near it." 

De Carondelet further believed that if such a fort were 
established many settlers would flock to its vicinity from 
other Spanish towns, from Canada, and from the banks of 
the Ohio, and build up towns more populous than St. Louis. 
Furthermore, military detachments stationed on the Des 
Moines and the St. Peter's farther north "would suffice to 
cause the dominion of Spain to be respected throughout 
Upper Louisiana" against the usurpations of the English 
and Americans. Such detachments might be recruited from 
foreigners who should offer to serve five years and after- 
wards devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil for 
another five years and at the same time serve as militia- 

Despite the thoroughness of the Governor's military re- 

32 Robertson 's Louisiana under Spain, France and the United States, Vol. I, 
pp. 298, 299, 335-337; Houck's The Spanish Begime in Missouri, Vol. II, pp. 10, 


port and the compreliensiveness of his plan of defense the 
government of Spain took no steps to strengthen its hold 
upon the western country. Canadian traders continued to 
visit the region as much as before, and when the Osage 
Indians of the Missouri country, then at outs with their 
Spanish masters, made their way to trade with the English 
upon the Des Moines Eiver, the Lieutenant-Grovernor of 
*'Ilinoa" called attention to the importance of persuading 
the Indians of the Iowa country — the loways, the Sacs, and 
the Foxes — to refuse the Osages and the English traders a 
passage across their hunting-grounds.^^ 

By the year 1795 enterprising British traders had pushed 
out and planted a blockhouse as far westward as the Platte 
Eiver in the present State of Nebraska. They also fre- 
quently visited the Indian tribes of the upper Missouri west 
of the Big Sioux River, or else these Indians went eastward 
to exchange their furs for merchandise furnished by tribes 
upon the Mississippi. Spanish subjects must have been 
aware of this activity when some of them organized 
''The Commercial Company for the Discovery of Nations 
of the Upper Missouri" and sent Jean Baptiste Trudeau 
and eight others to conduct the enterprise in the wilder- 
ness. On the many trips which Trudeau had made during 
twenty-six years he had sojourned with the Yankton Sioux 
upon the headwaters of the Des Moines. On the journey 
northward he met a few members of this nation who told 
him they lived on the Des Moines : soon afterward he had 
the pleasure of being pillaged by them and their Teton 
Sioux companions. Trudeau later came upon a band of 
Sioux who dwelt among the Arickara and every spring re- 
sorted to the Sioux upon the St. Peter's and the Des Moines 
rivers to trade their furs for merchandise. The new trade 
enterprise of the Spanish, or rather French, merchants of 

ssHouck's The Spanish Ecgime in Missouri, Vol. II, p. 50. 


St. Louis proved a failure, because, as Trudeau remarked, 
**of the reluctance they have always had and still have of 
making expenditures, and because of their fear of failure, 
they being too easily disheartened by the first obstacles and 
losses which are encountered; things which have never 
stopped the English in their commercial ventures. ' 

Spanish officials bewailed their lack of a sufficient mili- 
tary force to cope with the pressing Anglo-Saxon peril. 
Although they planned and thirsted for the complete de- 
struction of the English fur trade in the Upper Mississippi 
Valley, without a sufficient military force they could not 
hope to monopolize the trade upon Spanish soil. With 
nothing to fear, therefore, "the traders of the River Moni- 
gona" were reported to have sent twelve horses laden with 
goods destined for the Pawnees and other Indians upon the 
Platte and the caravan crossed the Missouri in December, 
1795.'^^ Under such circumstances and at a time when 
Napoleon Bonaparte contemplated the revival of a great 
colonial empire in America, Spain transferred the whole of 
Louisiana back to France in 1800. 


Closely connected with the desire to exclude all but Span- 
ish subjects from trade with the natives of Upper Louisiana 
was the Spanish policy of granting tracts of land to pro- 
mote the settlement of the wilderness. Among the few land 
grants made in the Iowa country was that of Louis Tesson 
Honore. Ten or twelve miles above the mouth of the Des 
Moines, on the present site of Montrose, this Frenchman 
built cabins, cultivated a small plot, planted an orchard of 
apple trees, and lived in the Iowa country from 1798 until 

34 South DaJcota Historical Collections, Vol. VII, pp. 403, 404, 413, 417, 421, 
422, 425, 439, 463, 474. 

33 Houek 's The Spanish Hegime in Missouri, Vol. II, pp. 136, 191. 


1805. On March 30, 1799, Honore obtained a concession of 
land three miles square and a monopoly of the fur trade in 
that region. Besides, he was "to watch the savages and to 
keep them in fealty which they owe His Majesty." So poor 
a business man was Honore that some time before 1805 an 
attorney appeared upon the premises and in the presence of 
two witnesses levied an attachment as a result of which 
Joseph Robidoux became the owner of the tract.^" 


Although it is well known that fur traders from the Eng- 
lish province of Canada reached the Des Moines River as 
early as 1777, the records at present available do not reveal 
their identity. Jean Baptiste Faribault was the first repre- 
sentative of the Canadian merchants whose name has come 
down to us. So successful had he proved as a trader in one 
season's operations that his employer, Gillespie of the 
Mackinac Company in 1799 assigned him to a more im- 
portant post about two hundred miles up the Des Moines 
River. At this place, named "Redwood", Faribault for 
four years carried on a profitable business, with the aid of 
an interpreter named Deban and several assistants. To the 
region on the upper Des Moines came bands of Sioux In- 
dians, the Sacs and Foxes, and the loways. After the win- 
ter months spent in idleness the traders sought out the 
Indian hunting camps and for beaver, otter, deer, and bear 
skins exchanged blankets, cloths, calicoes, tobacco, cheap 
jewelry, and other articles. In the spring of 1800, and 
every year thereafter, Faribault and his voyageurs descend- 
so The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 369, 370. 
37 In the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 170, the writer speaks 
of Mr. Gillespie of "the North West Company". This mistake was easily 
made because the two companies consisted of practically the same Montreal 
firms and the operations of both were generally ascribed to the North-West 
Company. See The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 
479, 481. 


ed the river to deliver furs and peltries to "Mr. Crawford, 
one of the accredited agents of the Company. '"^^ 

During the winter of 1801-1802 Thomas G. Anderson, an 
agent of a Green Bay trader, set up a shop at the loway vil- 
lage fifty miles up the Des Moines River. To compete for a 
share of the trade of this "vile set" of Indians a French- 
man named Julien also established himself nearby. The 
two traders agreed to await the return of the Indians from 
their hunts near the Missouri, but later Anderson learned 
that Julien had secretly sent goods to the loway hunting 
camps. As a punishment for such trickery the Englishman 
left his own interpreter in charge of the Des Moines post, 
started westward across country with seven loaded men, 
and in the end did a splendid season's trade.^^ 

So considerable was the business in furs conducted by 
English subjects west of the Mississippi River that, when 
the United States had bought Louisiana from Napoleon, 
President Jetferson at once made preparations to drive 
foreigners from the fur-bearing field. Even before the pur- 
chase was actually made he instructed Lewis and Clark, 
leaders of an expedition to explore the land west of the 
Mississippi, to collect information about the Indian inhab- 
itants. In the spring of 1804 the explorers learned that the 
Ayouwais (loways), nicknamed "Ne Perce" by Canadian 
traders, had a village of probably eight hundred souls, in- 
cluding two hundred warriors, forty leagues up the river 
"Demoin, on the Southeast side." Besides the Sacs and 
Foxes these natives, "a turbulent savage race", hunted as 
far west as the Missouri, collected annually $6000 worth of 
"deer skins principally, and the skins of the black bear, 
beaver, otter, grey fox, racoon, muskrat, and mink", and 

38 The Iowa Jouenal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 483. 

39 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 485, 486. 


traded mostly with "Mr. Crawford, and other merchants 
from Michilimackinac. " 

Lewis and Clark also reported the activities of the Yank- 
ton Sioux of the Dakota country. These savages roamed 
and hunted among the rivers of northwestern Iowa, as well 
as about the headwaters of the Des Moines Eiver. They 
dealt with traders at their hunting-camps and sometimes at 
the loway village on the Des Moines "where a partial trade 
has been carried on with them for a few years past, by a 
Mr. Crawford." It is interesting to know that when 
Zebulon M. Pike made his voyage of exploration up the 
Mississippi one year later, he prepared some notes by the 
use of which a map was made to show the course of the 
river and one of its tributaries, the Des Moines, with twenty 
streams emptying into it. Upon the chart he located, some 
distance above the great bend of the river, Fort Crawford ; 
a little farther north and opposite the "Ayouwa" village, 
Fort Gelaspy; just above what is probably the site of Ot- 
tumwa, he located Fort St. Louis and Fort Crawford oppo- 
site one another; and still farther on, Crawford and 

Faribault's memoir of his services at Redwood under 
Messrs. Gillespie and Crawford, the references of Lewis 
and Clark to a Mr. Crawford and other Michilimackinac 
traders, and Pike's notes present a rather unsatisfactory 
picture of fur-trade activities at the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century. Lewis, Clark, and Pike no doubt obtained 
their information, meagre as it is, from the traders whom 
they met. No explanation of the forts named by Pike has 
yet been offered except that they were doubtless traders' 
blockhouses — "points of commercial vantage rather than 
military strong-holds. ' ' Their names certainly suggest that 
two of them were called after Louis Crawford and the other 
two perhaps after Redford Crawford and George Gillespie. 


These British traders had headquarters at Prairie du Chien 
about this time and were possibly partners of the Mackinac 


Scarcely had Lewis and Clark set out upon their expedi- 
tion to the Pacific Coast when the United States in 1804 
made a treaty with the Sacs and Foxes who used the Iowa 
country as their hunting-grounds. Among other things it 
was provided that the government should furnish a trading- 
house in order to put a stop to the abuses and impositions 
practiced upon the allied tribes by private traders; while 
the Indians agreed to allow American traders a free and 
safe passage through their country. President Thomas 
Jefferson favored such treaties as "the means of retaining" 
exclusive commerce with the Indians west of the Mississippi 
Eiver — a right indispensable to the policy of governing 
those Indians by commerce rather than by arms." It is 
clear that the American government was now bent upon 
asserting its exclusive claim to the fur trade upon American 

A government representative, Zebulon M. Pike, in 1805 
brought important news to the chief men of a Sac village 
which stood near Louis Tesson Honore's Spanish land 
grant, ten or twelve miles above the mouth of the Des 
Moines. He announced that with their consent a trading 
establishment would be erected at that place, since it would 
be easily accessible to the loways and the Yankton Sioux 
and to all the Sacs and Foxes. The chiefs seem never tO' 
have agreed to the proposal, and the presumption is that 
British traders had great influence in their councils. Never- 
theless, a United States Indian agent, Nicolas Boilvin, came 

io AmeriMn State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, pp. 711, 712, 714. See also 
The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 170, 171, 487-489, 
490, 491. 


to dwell among them and reconcile them to their new Amer- 
ican overlords. It was also his duty occasionally to visit 
the loway village on the Des Moines and other Sac towns, 
and to prevent traders from introducing ardent spirits into 
the country.^ ^ 

So far as is known Canadian traders and agents for Eng- 
lish merchants still dealt with the native population of the 
Iowa interior. Faribault in the autumn of 1808, after an 
absence of four years, returned to his old post at "Red- 
wood", on the upper Des Moines, and when a band of 
loways was on the point of robbing and killing him and his 
voyageurs, he was saved by his friends, the Yankton Sioux. 
But in the same year, as a part of its general policy of re- 
taliating against Great Britain for the repeated humiliation 
inflicted upon American shipping, the United States govern- 
ment undertook to ''destroy the equilibrium and profits of 
British traders in the upper Mississippi Valley". Among 
other steps taken to accomplish this end, such as levying 
duties upon English goods imported for the Indian trade, a 
detachment of the First Regiment of Infantry was ordered 
to march northward and build a government fort and 
trading-house as near the Des Moines River as possible. 
For some unexplained reason the site chosen for the estab- 
lishment was that of the present city of Fort Madison, about 
twenty miles above the mouth of the river. The story of 
old Fort Madison or Belle Vue and of "Le Moine Factory" 
has already been told and does not properly come within 
the history of the Des Moines Valley.^- 

Although their traffic with the Indians was thus being 
undermined, the British traders from Canada did not meek- 
ly resign. On the contrary they became the principal insti- 
ll The Iowa Journal or History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 489, 490, 491, 

42 The Iowa Journal op History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 170-178, 495- 


gators of Indian hostility against Americans and fanned 
the flame of Indian discontent wherever possible. Although 
the Mackinac Company sold out in 1811, and John Jacob 
Astor obtained a controlling share in the new enterprise 
which he then called the South West Company, the same 
traders, clerks, and boatmen did the work and independent 
Canadian merchants still continued to ply their traffic upon 
American soil. Accordingly, when war was declared to 
exist between Great Britain and the United States, Great 
Britain's Indian traders in Canada did everything in their 
power to bring success to English arms in the Upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley. Indeed, the War of 1812 in the West came 
to be merely a conflict between British traders, assisted by 
their Indian allies, on the one side and American troops on 
the other. 

Early in 1814, while British traders were making prepara- 
tions to fall upon the Americans at the village of Prairie du 
Chien, word came that '*a Capt. of Gov. Howard was to 
come to Prairie du Chien with an army of 2700 men. ' ' This 
rumor was not believed by the traders, and it was also 
learned that the American force had ascended the Des 
Moines River and "built a Ft. at Pees" before descending. 
No explanation can be offered of the event here referred to. 
After the Americans surrendered Fort Shelby at Prairie du 
Chien in the summer of 1814, Major Zachary Taylor led a 
keel-boat expedition of nearly four hundred men up the 
Mississippi from St. Louis, but owing to a skirmish with the 
British and the Sacs and Foxes he was compelled to retire 
below Rock Island, stopping long enough near the river Des 
Moines to repair the boats and bury the dead. Opposite 
the mouth of the river, in the Illinois Territory, Taylor then 
constructed Fort Johnson. 

Thus British traders of French and English birth held 
undisputed sway in the Upper Mississippi Valley and by the 


distribution of presents from the captured fort at Prairie 
du Chien they retained the affection of the native tribes. 
At one time the Sacs and Foxes brought ten scalps to them 
from "the Riviere Des Forts", perhaps the Des Moines, 
asserting that they would continue "to bring them in as 
they do ducks from the swamps." Hoping to retain the 
trade ascendency thus won by arms, British subjects in 
May, 1815, were not a little startled to learn the terms of 
the treaty which concluded the War of 1812 : they were to 
have no more privileges in the American Northwest. Thus 
ended the British regime in the Wisconsin-Iowa country. 
The result was the revival of Astor's South West Company 
for the exploitation of the American fur-bearing field.*^ 


Just south of the boundary line between the United 
States and Canada, on the site of the present city of Pem- 
bina, North Dakota, the Earl of Selkirk in 1812 established a 
colony of Scotch Highlanders for the prosecution of the fur 
business. It was in fact another chapter in the history of 
the war of competition between two sets of Canadian mer- 
chants — the Hudson's Bay Company and the North- West 
Company. In the summer of 1815 two hundred more 
Scotchmen arrived at the Red River or Pembina settlement, 
an event which brought on armed conflict with representa- 
tives of the hostile North- West Company. To such hard- 
ships, besides the rigors of a northern wilderness region, 
were the pioneers of western Canada exposed until the com- 
peting companies effected a merger in the year 1821. After 
that time, to secure men for the extension of their monopoly 
in Canada and the United States, especially among the 
Indians of the Upper Missouri and the West, the promoters 

*3 See The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 504-506, 


issued a prospectus by which they attracted from Europe 
"some good and credulous G-ermans and greedy Swiss".** 
Meanwhile, in the year 1815 after the close of the War of 
1812, so run the reminiscences of an Iowa pioneer, Lord 
Selkirk arranged for the delivery of five hundred head of 
cattle at the colony, giving the contract to a citizen of New 
York. Since St. Charles, in Missouri Territory, was the 
nearest point at which the cattle could be obtained, the con- 
tract was sublet to "Old Dick Carr" and B. Lewis Musick. 
The story of their driving the herd through the Iowa coun- 
try to Canada is related in the following words : 

Carr and Musick were energetic men, and soon had their cattle 
collected, buying mostly on credit until they had completed the con- 
tract. Giles Sullivan was hired to assist in driving as far as the 
Des Moines River. They came up the Mississippi bottom and crossed 
the Des Moines about where St. Francisville is now situated, and 
stopped for several days on the Sand Prairie, near the present vil- 
lage of Vincennes. Here Sullivan left them, and Carr and Musick, 
with other assistants, proceeded up the divide between Skunk and 
Des Moines Rivers, passing through String Prairie, toward Big 
Mound, and must have passed very near Absalom Anderson's pres- 
ent farm. The Indians troubled them to some extent, and succeeded 
in stealing some of their stock ; but no serious loss was experienced. 
In due course of time, they reached Selkirk's settlement, where his 
agent, well pleased with the cattle, issued a bill of exchange for their 
value in the name of the original contractor. Carr and Musick 
made their way home, striking the Mississippi River about St. Paul, 
from which point they came in canoes. They handed over the draft 
to the contractor, who, by some sort of hocus pocus, cheated Carr 
and Musick out of every dollar. 

John S. McCune, of St. Louis, the King of the steamboat trade, 
got his first start in the world by helping drive cattle from Louisi- 
ana, ]\Io. to the Selkirk settlement. Whether he went through with 
Carr and Musick, the writer is not advised ; but it is certain that he 

44 Beltrami's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, pp. 348-353, 
360-366 ; Holcombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, pp. 69-75. 


made some two or three trips to the Selkirk settlement as a cattle- 
driver when he was quite a young man.*^ 

Other records substantiate the statement that commerce 
was carried on between the Selkirk Colony on the Red River 
and the American frontier settlements in Missouri by way 
of the Iowa wilderness. Early in the fall of 1821 another 
''herd of cattle, mostly cows, arrived from the State of 
Missouri, in charge of a party of armed drovers, and were 
distributed in the Spring of 1822 among the Swiss settlers. 
This distribution of cattle, which had been contracted for by 
Lord Selkirk before his death, was all that had been done 
for the colonists in fulfillment of the pledges made them 
before their departure from Europe." On their return to 
Missouri the drovers were permitted to take along five dis- 
appointed families — indeed, their glowing descriptions of 
Missouri induced several other families to abandon Lord 
Selkirk's Colony in 1823.^*' Another interesting reminder 
of the relations between the far-away Canadian settlement 
and the nearest American pioneers is a map of Iowa Terri- 
tory showing "Dixon and McKnight's Route to Pembina 
Settlements in 1822". These men ascended the valleys of 
the Des Moines and its tributary, the Raccoon, proceeded 
almost straight northward along the divide between Spirit 
Lake and the headwaters of the Des Moines to the sources 
of the St. Peter's and Red rivers, and then descended the 
valley of the Red River to Pembina.*'^ 



By the building of a fort at Prairie du Chien, another 
upon Rock Island, and a third in Illinois just below the 
mouth of the Des Moines River, the United States in 1816 

45 A. W. Harlan in The History of Lee County, Iowa, p. 412. 

4oChetlain's The Bed Eiver Colony, pp. 20, 21. 

47 I. Judson's map of the Territory of Iowa in 1838. 


made clear beyond a doubt its intention to rule the wilder- 
ness region of the Upper Mississippi Valley. Henceforth 
troops were expected to enforce the acts of Congress which 
regulated trade with the Indians. It was a time when the 
government became wedded to the policy of protecting and 
fostering American industries and American commerce. 
One of the first fruits of American tariff legislation in the 
years after the War of 1812 was the birth of what came to be 
the first American trust : John J acob Astor reorganized the 
South West Fur Company and re-named it the American 
Fur Company, establishing headquarters on Mackinac 
Island at the head of Lake Michigan. Early in 1817 Astor 's 
enterprise commenced a vigorous commercial campaign in 
competition with a large number of private traders and the 
government "factories" or trading establishments located 
at Prairie du Chien and at Fort Edwards in Illinois below 
the mouth of the Des Moines. 

Major Stephen H. Long, a topographical engineer of the 
United States Army, on his journey down the Mississippi to 
St. Louis in August, 1817, stopped at Fort Edwards. There 
he noticed traces of recent land surveys — the harbinger of 
settlers yet to come. Crossing the Great River to its west- 
ern bank, Major Long and Dr. Lane passed driftwood, 
snags, and sawyers at the mouth of the Des Moines and 
ascended a few miles. They found the water too shallow to 
admit boats very far up the stream, although spring floods 
usually rendered the river navigable for Mackinaw boats 
from one hundred and sixty to two hundred miles. Long- 
reported that the loway Indians dwelt about one hundred 
and twenty miles up the stream and also observed many 
fragments of coal of apparently good quality upon the 

In the autumn of 1817 two American Fur Company boats 

*8 Iowa Historical Eecord, Vol. XVI, pp. 171, 172. 
VOL. XIV — 23 


arrived at Prairie du Chien from Mackinac on their way to 
- trade with the Indians upon the Des Moines Eiver. The 
agents, Russell Farnham and Daniel Darling, having ob- 
tained government licenses before they started, received 
orders from the commandant at Fort Crawford to procure 
new licenses at St. Louis. The masters and their Canadian 
crews were in fact sent to St. Louis under military escort 
and appear to have been deprived of the season's trade : the 
American Fur Company afterwards recovered $5000 at law 
for the damage done to its business. Nevertheless, Astor's 
men thereafter aimed to reach the Indian hunting-camps 
upon the Des Moines and thus beat out the government 
factory located at Fort Edwards, to which the Sacs, Foxes, 
and loways had been coming to trade the furs and peltries 
collected in the Des Moines Valley.*^ Indeed, competition 
became so keen and the American Fur Company's hostility 
so well organized that an act of Congress in 1822 brought 
about the collapse of the government factory system in the 
West. Henceforth the Company exerted its efforts to drive 
independent dealers from the field by buying them up or 
depriving them of business.^*^ 

After the year 1822 the individuals who prosecuted trade 
in the Iowa country were required to obtain licenses from 
the government. John Campbell, Joshua Palen, and 
Maurice Blondeau dealt with the Sacs, Foxes, and loways 
of the Mississippi and Des Moines rivers, and were followed 
in 1823 by Jean B. Caron, Eussell Farnham, and Charles 
Fabvre. In 1824 licenses were issued to B, Vasquez and 
St. Armant, while Joseph Dechamp and Edward Plondre 
were to operate upon the "Raccoon River", perhaps the 
well-known tributary of the Des Moines.^ ^ By an act of 

49 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 520-528. 

60 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 531-536. 

Bi The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 536, 538, 539. 


Congress passed in 1824 it became ''the duty of Indian 
agents to designate, from time to time, certain convenient 
and suitable places for carrying on trade with the different 
Indian tribes, and to require all traders to trade at the 
places thus designated, and at no other place or places." 
Traders were to cease sending out "runners to secure 
credits and follow the hunters to their places of chase ".^^ 

In the autumn of 1824 certain Sac and Fox chiefs called 
upon the United States Indian agent at Fort Armstrong to 
complain "that their Traders are not to be allowed to go 
into the Interiour of their country to receive their pay in 
Skins for Credits given them in goods by the Traders in the 
fall of the year". They asserted that the haunts of game 
animals were so far from the Mississippi that it would be a 
great hardship for Indian hunters "to travel a distance of 
from one to Two or Three hundred miles for a little Gun- 
powder or any other articles that they might want and more 
particularly in the winter season while the Snow is on the 
ground, or in the months of February and March when they 
ought to be hunting Bear, Beaver and Otters." In view of 
their lack of horses the Indians saw no way of transporting 
their families and goods to the hunting-grounds nor of 
bringing their packs of "Skins, Tallow and Jerked meat" 
back from the hunt. 

Realizing that "if ever the Traders refuse to give the 
Sauk and Fox Indians credit of arms, amunition, axes, 
Traps and some Blankets and strouds, the Indians must 
litterally starve," and inasmuch as "the distance from the 
Eaccoon Fork of River de Moine to the Flint hills [a trad- 
ing post on or near the present site of Burlington] is great, 
and too far for an Indian to leave his hunt to travel for any 
small article he may want for the use of his family," 
Thomas Forsyth, the Indian agent, licensed Maurice 

52 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 337-340. 


Blondeau to trade "at the Dirt lodge high up the River de 
Moine". Blondeau 's post was thus established near the 
Sac and Fox hunting country and during the hunting season 
from September to April was always accessible to Indian 
customers. The summer's trade was never large enough to 
repay the dealers for their trouble.^^ 

In the fall of 1825 Andre St. Amond (St. Amant) and 
Jean Baptiste Caron secured licenses to carry on trade at 
the Dirt Lodge and Flint Hills, while Joseph Montraville 
and Joseph Laframboise got permits to set up a post at 
''Fort Confederation, on the Second Forks of the Des 
Moines River" for trade with the Yankton Sioux.^* This 
*'fort", probably just a temporary stockade, doubtless stood 
at the junction of the upper branches of the Des Moines in 
the present Humboldt County. The region had no doubt 
been much frequented for several years. In the treaty of 
1825 with the Sioux Indians the United States government 
obtained from the Yanktons a promise to protect the persons 
and property of licensed American traders and to seize and 
deliver to federal officers any foreigner or other person not 
legally authorized to trade in their country.^^ This treaty 
was evidently intended to counteract the influence of British 
traders on the Upper Missouri. 

Beginning in August, 1826, Russell Farnham plied the 
fur trade at the Dirt Lodge in competition, it seems, with 
Francis Labussierre. Ramsay Crooks, Astor's right hand 
man in the "West, wrote from St. Louis in April, 1827, that 
Farnham 's Indian customers, panic-stricken by the rumor 
of warlike preparations on the part of their northern neigh- 
bors and old enemies, the Sioux, had abandoned their fine 
beaver country without attempting to catch a single animal. 

53 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 541-545. 

54 Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 19th Congress, No. 58, pp. 5, 6. 
osKappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 227. 


Crooks added in conclusion : * * This is the most to be regret- 
ted, as the rumors were unfounded, and the season has been 
uncommonly favorable for a Beaver hunt which would have 
given us at least 3000 more of the article than we shall 
have." The season's trade in this region proved to be a 

Joseph Laframboise met the hunters of the Yankton 
Sioux "at the second fork" of the Des Moines from 1825 to 
1827, part of the time in competition with Wright Prescott. 
Beginning in the autumn of 1827 Pierre Chouteau, Jr., suc- 
ceeded Farnham at the Dirt Lodge and served the Amer- 
ican Fur Company until November, 1830. William Downey 
appears to have obtained some of the trade at that point 
between 1826 and 1828. Laframboise resumed his trade on 
the Upper Des Moines during the years 1829 to 1831, and 
took out a license again in 1833 and in 1834 for trade upon 
''Crooked Eiver near des Moines", while Alexander Fari- 
bault was stationed at the upper forks. Meanwhile Farn- 
ham had returned to the Dirt Lodge for the trade year of 
1830-1831. Then John Forsyth came on as the Company's 
agent at the same place for the year 1831-1832 — the only 
licensed trader in the Iowa country during this time. Ex- 
cept in the case of Laframboise noted above no more govern- 
ment licenses were granted after the autumn of 1833 when 
the American Fur Company employing ten men, A. G. 
Morgan with two men, and Michael Tisson with four men, 
were authorized to trade with the Sacs and Foxes at the old 
Dirt Lodge.^'^ 

Farnham and Davenport, members of the American Fur 

56 Clarence M. Burton's transcript of Eamsay Crooks 's Letter Boole, pp. 271, 
276, 298. 

"For all these details of the fur trade see Van der Zee's Fur Trade Opera- 
tions in ihe 'Eastern Iowa Country from 1800 to 1833, in The Iowa Journal OF 
HiSTOET AND POLITICS, Vol. XII, pp. 547-549; Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 
23d Congress, No. 69, p. 7. 


Company, have left an interesting account of their fur trade 
transactions in the Iowa wilderness from 1824 to 1831. 
They stated the amount of capital and the number of clerks, 
traders, and boatmen they had employed, and the kinds of 
American and English goods which they had sold. They 
had done a credit business with the Sacs and Foxes and were 
still counting on the recovery of over $50,000 of debt. Furs 
in the Iowa country were said to be diminishing rapidly, as 
game was disappearing; while the trade labored under the 
disadvantage of being conducted at the same places from 
year to year. Farnham and Davenport made important 
recommendations to the United States government at this 
time, among others being the purchase of Sac and Fox 
lands upon the west bank of the Mississippi, in order to re- 
move the Indians from close contact with unprincipled 
whites ''to whom they part with not only their arms and 
ammunition, but even their clothing, for strong drink", thus 
destroying the American Fur Company's trade in furs and 
peltries at Rock Island, the Flint Hills, and the Dirt Lodge 
upon the Des Moines. 

Early in the year 1832 George Davenport appeared at 
Washington, D. C, to inform Congress that the Sacs and 
Foxes were ready to sell their lands. But not until Sep- 
tember, 1832, after the Black Hawk War, were the allied 
tribes forced to cede a strip of country along the Missis- 
sippi, partly to indemnify the United States and partly to 
secure western Illinois against future attacks. At the same 
time the government promised the Indians a specie annuity 
for thirty years and agreed to pay $40,000 to the American 
Fur Company to liquidate Sac and Fox debts. Then, on the 
first of June, 1833, with the exception of Keokuk's Reserve 
upon the Iowa River, the title to eastern Iowa became vested 
in the United States government and the Indians, after 

58 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 554-557. 


having- dwelt in their villages upon the Mississippi for a 
generation or two, were obliged to remove westward. 
Henceforth the scenes of barter and exchange were to be 
shifted westward also in advance of the wave of whites who 
were coming to find lands and build homes. 

Jacob Van dek Zee 

The State University op Iowa 
Iowa City Iowa 


[This is the third in a series of articles on the Indian agent, written by Miss 
Gallaher. The first two, presenting a general survey of the work of the Indian 
agents in the United States from colonial times to the present, appeared in The 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics for January and April, 1916. — 



The intercourse between a conquered people and their 
conquerors has usually been marked by hope of revenge on 
the one side and contempt on the other. When the two races 
are brought closely and constantly into contact these feel- 
ings are intensified, and open hostility often results. The 
relations between the people of the United States and the 
American Indians have been no exception to the general 
rule. All the States in the Union have had practically the 
same experience, although the feeling of the whites towards 
the natives has varied with the periods of development in 
each particular region. Conciliation was first attempted, 
for the traders and explorers were few in number and 
anxious to establish friendly relations with the Indians. 
Like the ripples breaking on the shore when the tide is com- 
ing in, the first appearance of the white men did not appear 
formidable to the Indians ; but with the increase in the num- 
ber of settlers friction developed and fighting almost in- 
variably resulted. When the wave of emigration had 
become so large that the Indians were submerged or swept 
onward, quiet was once more restored. The white men 
gradually forgot their hatred for the people they had dis- 
possessed and began to pity them. Missionaries and teach- 




ers were sent out to the frontier, only to have their efforts 
rendered unavailing by the struggles which constantly 
sprang up anew. 

The history of the relations between the white people and 
the Indians in Iowa has been like that of the country as a 
whole, although the period of hostility was shorter in this 
region than in many others. The pioneer days in Iowa came 
at a time when the Indians had become accustomed to the 
idea of removal ; yet the policy had not been in operation so 
long that congestion of the Indian population had resulted. 
At the time of the settlement of Iowa, removal of the In- 
dians was the panacea for all the difficulties resulting from 
the contact of the two races. Messages of the Governors 
and reports of agents and army officers were filled with sug- 
gestions that the Indians be given a home west of the Mis- 
sissippi Eiver, where they would be free from corrupting 
associations with the whites. Acknowledging their in- 
ability to restrain the white settlers from the unceded lands, 
the representatives of the government constantly advocated 
the purchase of the Indian country and the transportation 
of the natives to some locality not yet coveted by the whites. 

"With respect to Indian affairs the history of Iowa may be 
divided into three periods : the first period, from 1803 to 
1832, when the Indians were in possession of the land and 
the white men visited it only occasionally; the second period, 
from 1832 to 1848, when the whites held part of the lands 
and the Indians occupied an ever decreasing portion; and 
the third period, from 1848 to the present. Although there 
have been Indians in Iowa almost constantly even since 
1848, they have been here contrary to State law and the 
rules of the Indian Department, or have been permitted to 
remain here at the will of the State government, as in the 
case of the Indians at Tama. 

During the early period the Iowa country was visited by 


four classes of Americans: traders, miners, soldiers, and 
government agents. The intercourse between the races at 
this time was greatly influenced by the geographical loca- 
tion of the region. Two great rivers, the Mississippi on the 
east, and the Missouri on the west, opened a highway on 
each side, while smaller rivers led into the interior. As a 
result fur traders and miners pushed their way into the 
Indian country at a very early date and it was soon neces- 
sary to station soldiers and officials on the border to regu- 
late the Indian trade and to enforce the laws. Later, when 
the settlers crossed the Mississippi, the difficulty of keeping 
the peace between the two races increased and the duties of 
the agents became even more burdensome than during the 
earlier period. 

At the time of the incorporation of Louisiana into the 
possessions of the United States the local administration of 
Indian affairs was in the hands of agents,^ who were usually 
traders residing within the Indian country. The chief vil- 
lages of the various Indian tribes were, as a rule, situated 
on the banks of the rivers ; and the first government agents, 
as well as the earliest traders, were located at some point 
where the Indians collected. 


The first Indian agent who appears to have exercised 
jurisdiction over the Indians living within the boundaries 
of what is now the State of Iowa was Nicolas Boilvin, who 
had been interpreter to the Osages as early as 1804. He 
was a French-Canadian trader and doubtless had much per- 
sonal influence over the Indians with whom he came in con- 
tact. On April 9, 1806,^ Henry Dearborn, the Secretary of 
War, appointed Boilvin assistant Indian agent for the 

1 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XIV, pp. 27, 29. 

2 Letter of Cato Sells, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to the writer, April 23, 



tribes residing along the Mississippi River above the mouth 
of the Missouri, Dearborn wrote as follows : 

You having, been appointed an Assistant Indian Agent, will make 
the Sacque Village, at the Rapids of the Mississippi, above the 
mouth of the River Lemoin, your principal place of residence, but 
wiU occasionally visit other Towns and places, particularly the lawe 
[Iowa] Towns on the Lemoin, the other Sacque Towns, and the 
Prairie due Chien. 

You will make every exertion in your power to conciliate the 
friendship of the Indians, generally, towards the United States, and 
to encourage a peaceable and friendly disposition among themselves ; 
to prevent any acts of hostility on red or white people, and to cause 
proper punishment to be inflicted on such individuals as may be 
guilty of any hostile acts. You will, by all the means in your power, 
prevent the use of ardent spirits among the Indians. No Trader 
should be allowed to sell or dispose of any ardent spirits among 
them ; nor be allowed to have any at their trading stations. 

You will, by precept and example, teach the Indians such of the 
arts of agriculture and domestic manufactures, as your situation 
will admit. You will give all the aid in your power to Mr. Ewing, 
who has been placed among the Sacques, for the purpose of in- 
structing, them in the arts of husbandry. You should early procure 
Garden seeds, peach and other fruit stones, and apple seeds. A 
Garden should be established for the most useful vegetables, and 
nurseries planted with fruit trees; for the purpose of distributing 
the most useful seeds and trees among such of the Chiefs as will take 
care to cultivate them. You should also instruct them in the art of 
cultivating and preserving the fruit trees and garden vegetables. 

The cultivation of Potatoes ought to be immediately introduced 
into your own Garden ; — and the Indians should be encouraged to 
cultivate them, as an important article of food, and the substitute 
for bread. 

As soon as practicable, you will be furnished with a Blacksmith 
to make and mend the hoes and axes, and repair the Guns of the 
Natives. Ploughs should be introduced, as soon as any of the Chiefs 
will consent to use them.^ 

3 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, pp. 314-316. 

Eeuben Gold Thwaites located the Sac village on the ' ' River Lemoin ' on the 
site of the present town of Montrose, Iowa. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, 
Vol. XIX, p. 314, footnote. 


The following year another agent was appointed and 
established his headquarters at Prairie du Chien. This was 
John Campbell, a Scotch-Irish trader, whose term as Indian 
agent began on December 9, 1807.* There is not much in- 
formation concerning Campbell's work among the Indians. 
His attention appears to have been directed towards the 
east and northeast. Some time during the summer of 1808 
Campbell fought a duel with another trader, Bedford Craw- 
ford, and was killed, thus serving less than a year as Indian 

After Campbell's death, Nicolas Boilvin apparently di- 
vided his time between Prairie du Chien and the towns 
farther down the Mississippi River until about 1812, when 
he was definitely located at Prairie du Chien and another 
agent was provided for the Indians to the south. Although 
Prairie du Chien was across the river from the Iowa coun- 
try, it was a center to which Indians came from the west as 
well as from the east, and the work done there is of interest 
in a discussion of Indian administration in Iowa. 

In a letter to William Eustis, Secretary of War, in 1811, 
Boilvin described this settlement as made up of about one 
hundred families — the majority of the women being In- 
dians. It was visited by about 6000 Indians every year and 
the agent recommended that a garrison and factory should 
be established there in order to counteract the influence of 
the British traders. The Indians, according to Boilvin, 
were mining as much as 400,000 pounds of lead annually at 

* Letter of E. B. Meritt, Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to the 
writer, May 17, 1915. 

In a note, Mr. Thwaites states that Campbell was appointed Indian agent in 
1802, but a letter from the superintendent of Indian trade dated September 10, 
1808, says: "Mr. Campbell resides at Prarie des Cheins on the upper Missis- 
sippi and has lately been appointed Indian Agent there for the United States. ' ' 
— Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, pp. 323, 333. 

B Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 325. 



a place about sixty miles below Prairie du Chien® — prob- 
ably in the Dubuque and Fever River districts. 

During the War of 1812 Boilvin was compelled to remove 
to St. Louis, leaving Prairie du Chien and the Indians in 
that locality under British control. In 1815, however, he 
returned to his posf^ and resumed his work among the In- 
dians in the vicinity of Prairie du Chien. Since a complete- 
ly centralized agency was unknown in those days, Boilvin 
spent much of his time in visiting the various Indian vil- 
lages along the Mississippi and its tributaries. The extent 
of his authority was undefined. Lewis Cass, the Governor 
of Michigan Territory, informed Boilvin in a letter of 
March 29, 1822, that his agency extended east to the Fox- 
Wisconsin portage,^ but its northern and western boun- 
daries were not even mentioned. To Prairie du Chien came 
Winnebagoes,^ Chippewas, Menominees, Sacs and Foxes, 
and Sioux, although the Winnebagoes appear to have been 
the most numerous during the later period. 

The expenditures of the Prairie du Chien agency during 
these years were not large, considering the number of In- 
dians who frequented the place. The amount required for 
articles purchased, for express, for interpreters' salaries, 

6 The Edwards Papers in the Chicago Historical Society's Collection, Vol. Ill, 
pp. 59-63. 

Benjamin O 'Fallon became Indian agent for Missouri Territory in 1815. 
During the year 1816-1817 he spent some time at Prairie du Chien. His head- 
quarters were generally on the Missouri River, opposite what is now Council 
Bluffs. He retired in 1827. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 24. 

7 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 314, footnote. 

According to information from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Nicolas 
Boilvin 's appointment as Indian agent was renewed on March 14, 1811, March 
12, 1815, and April 22, 1818. 

8 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 248. 

8 In 1819 Lewis Cass wrote to Boilvin, telling him that the Winnebagoes had 
recently been included in his superintendency and asking to which agency they 
should be attached. Evidently they were put in charge of the agent at Prairie 
du Chien for in 1822 Boilvin reported that they were hostile to the United 
States. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 248. 


and for other expenses, between January and May, 1812, 
was only $3,255.31 ; and in 1820 the disbursements reported 
by Boilvin amounted to only $2,537.35.^ 

Since there was no fixed residence for the agent, Boilvin 
was frequently absent, either in the performance of his of- 
ficial duties or for personal reasons. During one absence 
John W. Johnson, United States factor at Prairie du Chien, 
acted as agent for several months. According to a letter 
written by him on April 19, 1820, he had just been informed 
of the killing of two soldiers at Fort Armstrong by Win- 
nebagoes. He also complained that J. H. Lockwood and J. 
Eolette were selling whiskey to the Indians.^ ^ 

Some idea of the work of the Indian agents at this time, 
as well as some indication of their difficulties, may be gath- 
ered from the following letter written by Nicolas Boilvin to 
Lewis Cass, Governor of Michigan Territory, in 1823 : 

Prairie du Chien 3rd Jany. 1823 
Sir — Your verry esteemed favor of 7tli April and Septr. 14th. 
has been received, and note their contents. I have undertaken to 
prevent the Indians from this quarter to visit Drummond Island 
and it is with Satisfaction I have to Say none from this place have 
deviated from the advices given to them on this Subject and must 
Say that I, sincerely believe, British influence is done away with 
[for] the Indians residing in the vicinity of this place, as to the 
queries, or rather vocabulary that you make mention of, I have for- 
warded it last September by some officers of the United States 
Army my inexperience in the English Language prevents me to 
correspond as often as I consider it my duty. However during this 
long Winter I shall endeavor to procure a Copious vocabulary of 
the Winebago Tongue, thier Manners, Customs and Religious Cere- 
monies as well as relates to the Sioux, Sacs, and foxes. 

Peace and Harmony now exists with the Indians, altho' large 

10 Avierican State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 32, 369. 

11 Fort Armstrong, built in 1816, was on Rock Island. The influence of the 
Prairie du Chien agent extended at least that far south. 

12 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 167. 



war parties are on Contemplation between the Sacs and Foxes on 
one part and the Sioux's of the plains on the other part for Next 
Spring. Unless the Government thinks proper to interfere, I am 
afraid it will be Severe for those poor ignorant Savages — and no 
doubt some other tribes will engage — if so, this River will be the 
Theatre of warfare and no doubt that Commerce will be injured 
and Some poor innocent people the victim 

I Shall do all in my power to obviate the evil as far as my means 
will go — but the Sum allowed for this Agency when So many 
Indians visit is not Sufficient. It even requires in Speaking to the 
Indians Tobacco, Powder etc and a few Blankets to Convey any 
weight with advice given them With the highest Respect I am 
Dear Sir Your Ob : Servant 

N. Boilvin13 

Again, in December, 1824, Boilvin wrote from St. Louis 
to William Clark, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs to 
whom he was responsible, giving ill health as his reason for 
remaining away from his post. He gave a list of trading 
places : Trempealeau (which he preferred to the Sioux vil- 
lage on the Iowa River), the Falls in the Black River, and 
the Portage of the Wisconsin. He added that Colonel 
Morgan, who was acting for him at Prairie du Chien, had 
probably granted licenses for these places.^* 

Just how much authority or influence this French-Cana- 
dian agent exerted upon the Indians of the Iowa country it 
is difficult to determine. Like all early agents, his influence 
depended largely upon his personality, and, like the ripples 
around a stone thrown into a pool, went out from the center 
with ever diminishing force. The confidence of the govern- 
ment in Boilvin 's honesty is in striking contrast to the sys- 

13 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 298, 299. 

The letters from Nicolas Boilvin in the Indian Office at Washington number 
only about thirteen. Mr. Cato Sells, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, states 
that only two of them, written in patois Trench, were the work of Boilvin him- 
self. The others were merely signed by him. — Letter of Cato Sells to the 
writer, April 23, 1915. 

14 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 365, 366. 


tern of checking accounts later found necessary. For 
example, by an order of the Secretary of War in 1811, he 
was given the authority to expend, in the name of the gov- 
ernment, whatever sums he considered necessary.^ ^ 

His limitations, however, as well as his superior ability 
in managing Indians, were recognized by his superiors. As 
a result Lewis Cass wrote to John C. Calhoun, Secretary of 
War, on July 9, 1822, suggesting that the military com- 
mander at Fort Crawford be instructed to report on the 
conduct of Joseph Rolette and concluded with the words : 
''Such an enquiry ought naturally perhaps to be made by 
Mr. Boilvin, the Agent, but you are doubtless aware, that 
his habits qualify him for managing the ordinary inter- 
course with the Indians rather than conducting an extra 
judicial examination."^" 

In the summer of 1827 Nicolas Boilvin died on a boat 
while descending the Mississippi River. The work of the 
agency was carried on during the remainder of the year by 
J ohn Marsh, his sub-agent, who, on September 9, 1827, wit- 
nessed the articles of convention entered into by General 
Atkinson and the Indians. On September 28, 1827, General 
Atkinson reported that Marsh was in charge of the Prairie 
du Chien agency. ^'^ When the new agent was appointed 
John Marsh remained as his assistant. 


In the meantime, a new agent had been assigned to Rock 
Island and the Indians of the surrounding region. This 
officer was Thomas Forsyth, who was appointed sub-agent 

15 The Edu-ards Papers in the Chicago Historical Society's Collection, Vol. 
Ill, p. 138. 

16 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 265. 

17 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, pp. 248, 249; Senate Documents, 
1st Sess., 20th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 158, 160. Boilvin is described as 
"of common height, ruther stocky, stooped and bow-legged". 



in 1812 at a salary of $600 a year and rations which in- 
creased the amount to about $819.^^ In 1819 he was made 
agent with a salary of $1200 a year, and was stationed at 
Fort Armstrong in charge of the Sac and Fox Indians who 
lived chiefly on the east side of the Mississippi River. Here 
he remained until 1830, when he was replaced by Felix St. 

Thomas Forsyth before his appointment had been a fur 
trader, like many of the Indian agents of this early period, 
and he thoroughly understood the Indian character. His 
policy in dealing with the natives was summed up in these 
words: ''Grive them what you promise, never threaten, pun- 
ish first and threaten afterwards."-^ Although this policy 
seems rather severe, Forsyth appears to have been a con- 
scientious officer and well liked by the Indians, who admired 
justice and firmness more than any other qualities. 

The first years of Forsyth's service were chiefly occupied 
with the counteracting of British influence among the In- 
dians to the east. British officers and traders were every- 
where and for a time Americans were almost driven out of 
the country. When Congress, in 1816, passed the law ex- 
cluding all alien traders from United States territory, 
American trade was resumed; and the duty of licensing 
traders and selecting trading centers became the chief duty 
of the Indian agent. 

These trading stations were usually not permanent, but 

18 Letter Boole of Thomas Forsyth in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, 
Vol. XI, p. 352. For a sketch of Forsyth's life see Wisconsin Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. VI, p. 188. 

19 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 227, 228. 

According to data received from the office of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, Forsyth was appointed sub-agent in 1811, and agent, on August 17, 
1812. The date of his removal is given as June 30, 1830. See also House Ex- 
ecutive Documents, 2nd Sess., 20th Congress, Vol. Ill, No. 117, p. 116. 

20 From a letter to Governor Ninian Edwards of Illinois. — Letter Booh of 
Thomas Forsyth in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 334. 

VOL. XIV — 24 


were changed to suit the convenience of the traders and the 
Indians, Among those listed in 1824 were the Flint Hills, 
on the west bank of the Mississippi Eiver where the city of 
Burlington now stands, and the Dirt Lodge, "high up the 
River de Moine."^^ These were the centers at which the 
Sacs were to be supplied with goods. The Winnebagoes 
were to be supplied at "Rocky Island" and at a place fifty 
miles east of there; while the trading center for the Foxes 
was to be on Fever River. Traders were required to have 
the place at which they intended to do business specified in 
their licenses. Among the traders mentioned as engaged in 
the Indian trade in this vicinity were Russell Farnham at 
the Flint Hills, Maurice Blondeau at the Dirt Lodge, and 
George Davenport at Rock Island.^^ 

The lack of definite boundaries between the agencies led 
to disputes due to overlapping jurisdiction. On April 22, 
1825, Forsyth wrote to General Clark to report that a cer- 
tain Mr. Dubois, a clerk in the employ of Joseph Rolette, 
had been trading with the Indians between Dubuque 's mines 
and Prairie du Chien under a license from the agent at that 
place. He declared that it was not just for other agents to 
permit men to trade at other places than those selected by 
him for the Indians under his charge, and concluded: "I 
have to hope, that the business of one agent giving Licences 
to people to Trade within the agency of another may be 
remedied. "^^ 

21 Van der Zee's Fur Trade Operations in the Eastern Iowa Country from 
1800 to 1833 in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, p. 

22 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 363, 365, 366, 367. 

23 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 374, 375. 

However, in September, 1825, Forsyth, himself, gave Etienne Dubois a year's 
license to trade at an island opposite the Little Maquoketa. — Wisconsin His- 
torical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 380, 381. 

For a full discussion of the Indian trade in the Iowa country and the im- 
portant relation of the Indian agents to it, see Van der Zee's Fur Trade Oper- 



Naturally the authority of the few agents within the Mis- 
sissippi Valley was far-reaching. In 1819 Thomas Forsyth 
made a journey up the Mississippi Eiver to assist in the 
establishment of Fort Snelling, on the St. Peter's River. 
While on the way he noted the rich lead mines on both sides 
of the river. There was the usual business of settling mur- 
der cases — for the most part by means of presents — dis- 
tributing annuities and presents, and pouring oil on the 
troubled waters by means of speeches. On this trip Forsyth 
carried about $2000 worth of goods for the Sioux, and they 
appeared eager for whatever he might have for them.^* 
Later the Indian agent at Fort Snelling, Lawrence Talia- 
ferro, granted licenses to Joseph Montraville and Joseph 
Laframboise to trade with the Yankton Sioux at Fort Con- 
federation on the second fork of the Des Moines River.^^ 

The usual difficulty in preventing the sale of liquor to the 
Indians was over-shadowed during the later period of For- 
syth's administration by the question of adjusting the racial 
quarrels which were caused by the occupation of the In- 
dians' lands along the banks of the Mississippi River by the 
white settlers. The magnitude and difficulty of this work is 
evident. In 1823 the agent persuaded part of the Sacs and 
Foxes under Keokuk to cross the river to the Iowa side, but 
the majority of the tribe under Black Hawk steadily re- 
fused to give up their lands, since they denied the validity 
of the treaty of 1804.26 

The mines at Dubuque, as well as those on the east bank 
of the Mississippi River, were coveted by the whites, even 
more than the farming land. A sub-agent, Wynkoop 

ations in the Eastern Iowa Country from 1800 to 1833 in The Iowa Journal 
OF History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 479-567. 

24 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 188-219. 

25 Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 19th Congress, No. 58, pp. 5, 6. This was 
within the present limits of Humboldt County, Iowa. 

zeWilkie's Davenport, Past and Present, pp. 20, 21. 


Warner, stated in a letter to Forsyth of June 3, 1830, that 
there were about one hundred men at work at Dubuque's 
mines, where they had no right to be; and he declared that 
if they did not leave when he ordered them to do so, he in- 
tended to call upon Colonel Zachary Taylor for assistance. 
Concerning this matter, Forsyth wrote to General Clark on 
June 14, 1830, and stated his attitude in the following 
words : 

Permit me to observe to you, that the Sauk and Fox Indians are 
sufficiently soured against the whites, by their people having been 
killed going to Prairie du Chien last month, on an invitation of 
some of the Government agents. You must know what will be the 
consequence when they are informed that their mineral land is 
occupied by the whites, and permitted to remain. If drove off the 
Indians will then say, that the Government is friendly disposed 
towards them. This, in my opinion, is the moment for the Govern- 
ment of the United States to show their affection towards the Sauk 
and Fox Indians.^'^ 

Forsyth's handling of the situation on the frontier was 
not satisfactory to the authorities at Washington. It was 
felt that he had exceeded his authority in making arrange- 
ments for the council at Prairie du Chien without orders 
from General Clark, especially when the result was dis- 
astrous, and he was arbitrarily dismissed. On June 21, 
1830, William Clark wrote to Thomas McKenney, Superin- 
tendent of Indian Affairs: "I have just received your letter 
of the 7th instant, relating to the removal of Mr. Forsythe, 

27 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rcl Congress, Vol. VIII, No. 512, pp. 64, 65. 

Wynkoop Warner, who was working with Agent Street at Prairie du Chien 
and Thomas Forsyth at Tort Armstrong, had reported on June 2, 1830, that a 
battle had been fought between the Menominees and the Sacs and Foxes. The 
Menominees and the Sioux, it was claimed, had influenced their agent to invite 
the Sacs and Foxes to a council and had then fallen upon the unsuspecting 
guests and killed almost all of them. To avenge this crime, a body of Sacs and 
Foxes crossed the river and massacred a number of their enemies almost under 
the walls of Fort Crawford. — Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. 
VIII, No. 512, pp. 62, 63; Fulton's Red Men of Iowa, pp. 138, 139. 



and the appointment of Mr. St. Vrain: Mr. Forsythe has 
just been notified of his removal. ' ' Forsyth had been very 
popular with the Indians and their dissatisfaction over the 
encroachments of the whites was augmented by the change. 
Black Hawk is reported to have said : 

About this time our agent was put out of office, for what reason 
I could never ascertain. I thought it was for wanting to make us 
leave our village, and if so, it was right, because I was tired of hear- 
ing him talk about it. The interpreter, [Antoine Le Claire] who 
had been equally as bad in trying to persuade us to leave our village, 
was retained in office, and the young man who took the place of our 
agent, told the same old story over again about removing us. I was 
then satisfied that this could not have been the case.^^ 

Even after the appointment of the new agent, Thomas 
Forsyth did not cease to take an interest in Indian affairs. 
In 1832, shortly before his death, he wrote to Governor Cass, 
recommending that the Half-breed Tract be divided among 
the claimants and that a Catholic priest be employed to 
work among these people whose fathers were usually French 

The new agent, Felix St. Vrain, was the grandson of a 
French emigre. He appears to have been respected by both 
whites and Indians, although the short time during which 
he served as agent and the events leading up to the Black 
Hawk War prevented the usual agency work. Mr. St, Vrain 
was opposed to the use of force in removing the Indians,^^ 
but after the war began he naturally worked with the white 

2s Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. VIII, No. 512, p. 71; 
Strong's The Saulcs and the Black Hawlc War, p. 239. 

The sub-agent, Wynkoop Warner, was removed at about the same time for 
his part in inviting the Indians to Prairie du Chien. 

29 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. IX, No. 512, pp. 21, 22. 
Forsyth, at this time, had no official connection with Indian affairs. 

Thomas Forsyth was born in Detroit in 1771 and died at St. Louis, Missouri, 
in 1833. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 227, Vol. VI, p. 188. 

so Governors' Letter BooTcs, 1818-1834, in the Illinois Historical Society Col- 
lections, Vol. IV, p. 178. 


officers, thereby incurring the enmity of the Indians, al- 
though he still believed in their friendship. On May 23, 
1832, he was sent by General Atkinson from Dixon's Ferry 
to Galena with dispatches for Fort Armstrong, On the fol- 
lowing day he was met by a party of Indians and in spite of 
his appeals, he and three of his companions were killed. 
The body of St. Vrain was horribly mutilated and his heart 
was cut out and eaten by his blood-thirsty wards.^^ 

An echo of this tragedy is to be found in a report of the 
Committee of Claims, submitted to Congress in April, 1844. 
From this report it appears that the United States govern- 
ment sued the sureties of St. Vrain in 1838 and obtained a 
verdict of $1,428.38 to cover money unaccounted for by the 
unfortunate agent at the time of his death. The case was 
submitted to the Senate, the sureties arguing that St. Vrain 
had always been considered honest and that the vouchers 
for the sums unaccounted for had doubtless been in his 
saddle-bags at the time he was murdered and had been de- 
stroyed by the Indians, It was also shown that his salary as 
agent from January 1 to May 10, 1832, amounting to $427.40, 
had not been paid. The committee, therefore, reported in 
favor of indemnifying the sureties of the agent.^^ 

The treaty at the close of the Black Hawk "War shifted the 
work of the agent at Eock Island to the west of the Missis- 
sippi River, and at the same time the cession of the land 

31 Stevens 's The Black Eaivlc War, pp. 169-171. Felix de Hault de Lassus 
St. Vrain was born in St. Louis, Missouri, March 23, 1799, and was described ns 
' ' tall and slightly built, with black eyes and black curling hair, worn rather 
long." St. Vrain was a brother-in-law of George W. Jones, and a nephew of 
Governor de Lassus of Louisiana under Spanish rule. See also Parish's George 
Wallace Jones, pp. 115-118. There is much dispute as to what Indians killed 
St. Vrain. One story is that he was killed by a party of Sacs under a chief, 
The Little Bear, by whom the agent had been adopted as a brother. It is also 
stated on the authority of Black Hawk that the Indians were Winnebagoes. — 
Strong's The Sauls and the Black Haick War, pp. 415, 416. 

32 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 29th Congress, Vol. IV, No. 56, p. 123. 



west of the agency, isolated the agency from the Indians. 
It was no longer the center of the Indian population and 
white settlers began to occupy the land between the Indian 
country and the agency. 

After the death of Felix St. Vrain the duties of the ageni 
at Rock Island were performed by Joshua Pilcher, until the 
new agent, Marmaduke S. Davenport, was appointed to that 
position late in the year 1832.^^ Davenport began his work 
on January 1, 1833, and almost immediately trouble arose 
over the payment of annuities. Joshua Pilcher accused the 
new agent of having paid $6000 of the Indian annuities 
directly to George Davenport and Russell Farnham, traders 
to whom the Sac and Fox Indians owed money. Marma- 
duke S. Davenport admitted that he had paid the money to 
the traders, but insisted that he had done so only in ac- 
cordance with the wishes of the Indians themselves. Elbert 
Herring, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, refused to 
consider this excuse and on February 19, 1833, he wrote to 
the agent as follows: "The order heretofore given you 
must be complied with ; and you will be pleased to remember, 
that your official conduct must in future be governed by in- 
structions from the department, and not by the importuni- 
ties of your friends. If traders see fit to trust the Indians, 
they must look to them alone for payment. ' ' 

Not only was the agent not to dispose of annuities, but 

33 Rouse Executive Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. VI, No. 490, 
p. 69. 

According to information from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Daven- 
port served as agent from June 7, 1830, to 1831, and was reappointed agent on 
July 10, 1832. He took charge of the agency at Eock Island on December 31, 

In addition to Marmaduke S. Davenport who served as agent, Colonel William 
Davenport was in command of the fort on Eock Island. George Davenport, the 
trader, was a well known character in that vicinity, but the similarity of names 
was merely a coincidence for there is no evidence of any relationship. — Water- 
man's History of Wapello County, Vol. I, p. 24. 


the right of the chiefs to do so was also denied.^* In an- 
other letter, Herring wrote : ' ' There is no part of the agent 's 
duty, about which the President and the department are 
more tenacious, than the observance of this rule in the dis- 
tribution of Indian annuities." Davenport was ordered to 
get back the money and reserve it for the Indians. "As the 
agent of the Government", he was also informed, "it will 
be your duty to investigate all claims or accounts presented 
against the Indians, to prevent their paying more than fair 
and reasonable prices for articles which have been furnished 
to them. "^^ 

There could be no doubt as to the attitude of the Depart- 
ment concerning annuities; and on April 12, 1833, Agent 
Davenport wrote that he had secured the money which he 
had paid to George Davenport and Farnham, and was ready 
to pay the Indians whenever they arrived. On June 20, 
1833, he reported to Elbert Herring that the Sac and Fox 
annuities for 1832 had been distributed to the Indians in 
the presence of the officers at Fort Armstrong.^^ 

Another point of disagreement was over the question of 
paying the entire annuities to the chiefs or of distributing 
them to individual Indians. Davenport strongly favored 
the former plan, for he believed that it "would give to the 
chiefs more power and influence; make them more respect- 
ed, and render their people much more tractable, obedient, 
and respectful," In support of his opinion he quoted the 
words of Keokuk: "My father, there is but a small portion 

34 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. IX, No. 512, pp. 598, 599. 

35 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, pp. 110, 111; 
Vol. VIII, No. 512, p. 967. 

36 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, pp. 176, 441, 

This difficulty and similar ones led the Department to issue a general order 
to Indian agents on April 22, 1833, forbidding speculation in Indian annuity 
certificates and the payment of annuities to anyone except the Indians entitled 
to them. — Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. IX, No. 512, p. 673. 



of these annuities coming to each of us; and this mode of 
distributing it individually would ruin my people, as there 
are many among them who would take their money and buy 
whiskey, instead of such articles of necessity as they would 
otherwise receive. ' '^"^ This question, however, was not set- 
tled until much later. 

The account rendered by M. S. Davenport for the nine 
months from January 1 to September 30, 1833, contained 
the following items which give some idea of the work of the 
agent : 

Salary of agent 


Salary of Antoine Le Claire, interpreter 


Cost of publication of notice concerning intrud- 

ers at Dubuque 's ]\Iines in Galenian 


Wm. B. Green, express 


S. Phelps & Co. presents 


Robert Payne, stationery 


Robert Payne, presents 


John Steele, blank licenses 


Richard Harrison, guard for Sac murders of Mr. 



Transportation of presents from St. Louis to 

Rock Island 


Farnham & Davenport, presents and provisions 


S. Phelps & Co., provisions 


M. S. Davenport, expenses 


George Davenport, provisions 


Richard Harrison, hauling corn 


M. S. Davenport, traveling expenses, in search 

of murderers of Mr. Martin 


Antoine Le Claire, traveling expenses, in search 

of murderers of Mr. Martin 


R. I. Post Office, postage 


Joshua Vandruff, iron, hay, etc. 


Robert Payne, iron, files, etc 


37 In a letter of June 20, 1833. — Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, 
Vol. X, No. 512, pp. 442, 443. 


Louis Lepage, blacksmith, six months 


Benjamin McCann, striker, nine months 


J. B. Labeau, gunsmith, nine months 


Lambert Lapierre, blacksmith, July 12-Sept. 30, 



Farnham and Davenport, corn 


Robert Payne, goods 


Robert Payne, drayage 


"Warrior" (steamboat), transporting annuities 


M. S. Davenport, traveling expenses 


Antoine Le Claire, traveling expenses 


Sacs and Foxes, annuities 


Sacs and Foxes, annuities 



This sum Mr. Davenport paid out of the $41,399.23 turned 
over to him by J oshua Pilcher. 

Occasionally the agent visited the Indian villages at the 
Des Moines Rapids. On one such visit he reported that he 
had received from Chief Keokuk four Indians who were 
given up by the tribe for the murder of a white man named 

On the whole, however, the whites gave the agent more 
trouble than did the Indians. Men interested in the rich 
lead mines rushed into the Indian country without legal 
authority. In December, 1832, Agent Davenport reported 
that all these intruders at Dubuque 's mines — about one 
hundred and fifty in number — had removed at his orders, 
although they had petitioned the general government to be 
allowed to remain. He also expressed much sympathy with 
the settlers, many of whom had large families and no money. 
The miners who had insisted on working the lead mines at 
Dubuque even before their cession by the Indians, rushed 

38 House Executive Documents, 1st Scss., 23rd Congress, Vol. VI, No. 490, pp. 
68, 69, 70. 

so Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, p. 176. 



back as soon as the war was over, although no arrangement 
had been made for opening the land to settlement. Daven- 
port reported on February 22, 1833, that his representative^ 
S. D. Carpenter, had found that from eighty to one hundred 
persons had gone over to Dubuque's mines, and were there 
engaged in mining and smelting. The agent further ex- 
pressed the opinion that "Without a small military force is. 
established at those mines, it will be impossible to keep per- 
sons from intruding upon them."^" 


About this time a sweeping reorganization of the Indian 
Department took place. By an act of Congress passed in. 
1834, the Rock Island Agency was transferred to Green Bay 
and the Prairie du Chien agent was to reside at Rock Island 
until December 31, 1836, when the agency at that point was, 
to be discontinued. No provision, however, was made for 
the location of the Sac and Fox Agency after this date. 
The Prairie du Chien Agency included all the Indian coun- 
try west of the Fox- Wisconsin portage, south of the Michili- 
mackinac and St. Peter's agencies, and west as far as the 
country of the Winnebagoes extended. For the time being 
the duties of the agent at Prairie du Chien were to be per- 
formed by the commander of Fort Crawford.*^ 

The agent at Prairie du Chien at the time of this reorgan- 
ization of the Indian service was Joseph Montfort Street,*^ 
who was first appointed Indian agent at that place in 1827.. 
His salary at first was $1200, but after he was transferred 
to Rock Island in 1834 it was raised to $1500. Although 

Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. IX, No. 512, p. 561; VoL 
X, No. 512, pp. 110, 111. 

41 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, ch. 162, p. 736 ; Senate Docu- 
ments, 2nd Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 258, 259, 260. 

42 For a biography of Joseph M. Street see Annals of Iowa (Third Series),, 
Vol. II, pp. 81-105; Wisconsin Historical Collections, VoL XI, pp. 356, 357. 


Street owed his appointment in the beginning to the polit- 
ical influence of Henry Clay, he was a brave and intelligent 
public officer, and remained in the service under various 

At the time of his arrival the Winnebagoes were bitterly 
hostile to the whites because of the operation of the lead 
mines on their lands, and the "Winnebago War" was in 
progress. The temporary peace which followed this war 
led to new settlements on Indian lands and increased the 
difficulties of the Indian agent. Henry Dodge with about 
one hundred other miners settled in southwestern Wiscon- 
sin on the land reserved to the Indians; and when Street 
sent his sub-agent, John Marsh, to order them off, he re- 
ceived the answer that General Dodge would remove as 
soon as he could conveniently do so. Dodge remained, how- 
ever, until the land was ceded to the United States by the 
Winnebagoes in the treaty of August 1, 1829.^^ 

Another difficulty which confronted the new agent was 
the enmity existing between the various tribes of Indians 
attached to the agency or living in the surrounding country. 
In 1829 a quarrel developed between the Menominees who 
belonged to the Prairie du Chien Agency and the Foxes, 
who lived on the west side of the Mississippi River to the 
south. Sub-agent Wynkoop Warner of Galena attempted 
to secure peace by inviting the Foxes to a council at Prairie 
du Chien. This invitation he had no legal authority to 
issue, for he was a sub-agent of the Prairie du Chien Agen- 
cy, while the Fox Indians were included in the Rock Island 
Agency. After delivering the invitation, however, Warner 
started for Prairie du Chien ahead of the Indians and was 
warned by Agent Street that the meeting would be danger- 
ous to the Foxes, because some hostile Menominees were at 
Prairie du Chien. 

43 Pelzer's Eenry Dodge, pp. 32-34. 



For some reason, in spite of this warning, the sub-agent 
failed to report this fact to the Foxes and the result was a 
massacre of the most important men of the Foxes by a party 
of Menominees. As might have been expected, the Sacs 
and Foxes retaliated by killing a number of Menominees, 
almost under the walls of Fort Crawford, in the summer of 
1831. According to the law governing the Indian service at 
this time, the agent was not given any authority to punish 
Indians for crimes against other Indians, so nothing could 
be done except to patch up a truce between the tribes.** 
The approaching conflict between the Indians and the white 
settlers who had reached the Mississippi River failed to 
unite the hostile tribes. John Marsh wrote to Agent Street 
on April 28, 1832, that the Sioux of Wabasha's band were 
making war on the Chippewas, and this report was con- 
firmed on August 3, 1832, by a letter from a scout, Alexis 
Bailly. A little later, on August 21, 1832, Street wrote to 
these Indians asking them to bring in their prisoners for 
whom he offered a ransom.*^ 

When the Black Hawk War broke out the civil authority 
of the agent was naturally overshadowed by the military. 
Street's position was, nevertheless, one of great impor- 
tance. It was his duty to keep the Indians of his agency 
friendly to the whites, or at least neutral, and to assist the 
military officers. A statement on June 7, 1832, certified that 
he had purchased from the American Fur Company rifles 
and guns amounting to $1032.*^ These were apparently 
used to arm a company of friendly Indians under William 
S. Hamilton. At the close of the War, the party of Winne- 
bagoes to whom Black Hawk and the Prophet had surren- 

**Vaii der Zee's Fur Trade Operations in the Eastern Iowa Country from 
1800 to 1833, in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 

45 Street Papers, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

46 Street Papers, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 


dered themselves, brought their prisoners to Joseph M. 
Street, who delivered them to Colonel Zachary Taylor in 
command of Fort Crawford.*'^ Later, General Atkinson 
wrote to Street to send a man named Carramain to Dixon's 
Ferry to receive the twenty horses left there as a reward 
for the capture of Black Hawk and the Prophet.^^ 

The regulation of the Indian trade was also a duty which 
involved innumerable difficulties. Many of the Indian 
agents had been traders before their appointment and sym- 
pathized with the traders. Street had had no such experi- 
ences and the traders bitterly opposed every attempt he 
made to enforce the government regulations. The enforce- 
ment of the anti-liquor law made the agent unpopular both 
with the traders and the Indians, while its non-enforcement 
resulted in cheating, degradation, and often in murder. 
Among the enemies of the agent at this period were Joseph 
Eolette and H. L. Dousman. Something of the attitude of 
the traders toward the government officials may be seen 
from the following incidents. John Marsh, Street's sub- 
agent, wrote to him on April 28, 1832, concerning the In- 
dians of "Wabasha's band of Sioux and declared: ''One of 
Eolette 's boats passed up the river three or four days since 
with Eighteen barrels of whiskey — this seems a little 
extraordinary especially at this season when the trade is 
entirely finished". Later in the summer, Alexis Bailly 
wrote to Street: 

*7 strong's The Saulcs and the Black Eaivh War, pp. 477-479; Annals of 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 89-93. 

William S. Hamilton was a son of Alexander Hamilton. 

Eeuben G. Thwaites asserts that it was Joseph M. Street who sent Lieutenant 
Eitner to intercept the non-combatants of Black Hawk's band who were trying 
to cross the river below Prairie du Chien. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, 
Vol. XII, pp. 254, 255. 

48 Street Papers, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

This Carramain, mentioned in General Atkinson 's letter of September 2, 1832, 
■was a Winnebago chief. The name was usually written Carramanee. — Annals 
of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 96. 



There has heen some consternation among those natives who have 
not yet joined the temperance Societies, it was caused by the seizure 
of some whiskey in Messrs Moreaus & Leblanc's Boat, it has com- 
pletely prostrated all their hopes of drunken frolicks and they can- 
not be made to comprehend that it's all for their benefit. How 
friend Rolette will relish the seizure of his whiskey & the detention 
of one of his Boats in no very favorable weather uncovered is more 
than I can properly tell but I may safely augur from a knowledge 
of the good feeling I know he bears to all military folks that Mr. 
Burnett may safely prepare himself for Law.^^ 

Indian agents and military officers not infrequently 
found themselves involved in expensive litigation by their 
attempts to enforce the indefinite regulations of the De- 
partment. For example, the traders claimed that the Mis- 
sissippi River and the islands in it were not Indian country 
and that the Indian agents had no authority over it. On 
October 4, 1832, Street wrote to Lewis Cass, asking that he 
be reimbursed the sum of $800 and costs which he had been 
compelled by a court to pay for timber seized on an island 
where the agent believed it was unlawful for white men to 
cut timber.^° This was probably Street's share in the case 
reported on by the Committee of Claims, from which it ap- 
pears that Jean Brunett had started secretly with a party 
of men to cut timber on Indian land, and at the request of 
Joseph M. Street had been arrested by Stephen W. Kearny. 
Brunett, although a foreigner, obtained a verdict of $1200 
damages and costs amounting in all to $1,373. 56i^, in a 
United States Circuit Court for the counties of Crawford 
and Iowa, Michigan Territory. Although the claim was 

49 Letter of Bailly to Street, August 3, 1832, in the Street Papers, Historical 
Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Lawrence Taliaferro, the agent at St. Peter's and a relative of Joseph M. 
Street, declared that Eolette was an habitual liar. 

The Burnett mentioned by Bailly was T. B. Burnett, a sub-agent under 
Street, appointed October 15, 1829. 

50 Letter of Street to Lewis Cass, October 4, 1832, in the Street Papers, His- 
torical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 


frequently made that the Indian agent had no legal author- 
ity on the Mississippi, this case was decided on the ground 
that the power to remove intruders from the Indian country 
was vested in the President and could be exercised by agents 
and military officers only when officially delegated to them 
by him. The attitude of the frontier courts towards the 
attempts to enforce the laws for the protection of the In- 
dians, and the handicaps under which the agents worked 
are evident from this decision, for it was not argued that 
Brunett was innocent. The Committee of Claims, however, 
deciding that the officers had acted in good faith, recom- 
mended that Congress should appropriate money to pay the 
costs of the suit.^^ 

In general, it may be said that the traders opposed the 
civilization of the Indians or their removal because of the 
possible loss to the trade. The only argument in favor of 
removal in the eyes of the traders was the possibility of 
increased annuities, which would fall into their hands. An 
example of their opposition to the agent and the means 
employed to make it effective is to be found in a letter from 
Joseph Eolette to G. B. Porter, Governor of Michigan Ter- 
ritory, on December 6, 1832. Street had advised the re- 
moval of the Indians from the vicinity of Fort Winnebago 
to the country west of the Mississippi because he believed 
they would advance in civilization more rapidly if removed 
from association with the whites. Rolette preferred to have 
them remain in the fur-producing locality and insinuated 
that Street had personal reasons for wishing the change. 
*'But, I have to remark," he wrote, "Gen. Street's son is a 
trader at this place, and has the store in the agency house. 
Rumor says father, son, and the sub-agent are all con- 
cerned. What motives can a man have in wishing himself 
additional trouble for the same pay? He certainly must 

61 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. V, pp. 9, 10. 



wish to have them removed west of this to have payment of 
the whole annuities, and by that favor his son's trade, or 
their own, if the report is correct." 

In addition to this charge Rolette asserted that the black- 
smith paid by the annuity money was working three-fourths 
of the time for citizens.^^ This charge concerning the 
blacksmith was repeated in 1835 by H. L. Dousman, a mem- 
ber of the American Fur Company, who wrote to Elbert 
Herring, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the Indian 
blacksmith at Prairie du Chien was permitted to do private 
work and was at that time building the schoolhouse on 
Yellow Eiver. His son was also paid as a striker, but did 
little work. As a result, declared Dousman, the American 
Fur Company was obliged to do blacksmith work for the 

On the other hand. Street insisted that it was the fur 
traders who were selfish in preferring trade to the well- 
being of the Indians. He asserted that the interpreter at 
Fort Winnebago was in their pay and the sub-agent there, 
John Kinzie, reported to the officers of the American Fur 
Company instead of to him. Street advocated the payment 
of the larger part of the Winnebago annuities at Prairie du 
Chien or west of the Mississippi River, in order to attract 
the Indians in that direction. A letter, dated April 2, 1833, 
had already been received from the Department, directing 
that an Indian school should be erected west of the river. 
It was a mistake. Street maintained, to distribute at Fort 
Winnebago the larger part of the 60,000 rations furnished 
the Winnebagoes, as Superintendent Clark had ordered.^^ 

In the end, however, a treaty was made with the Winne- 

52 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, p. 95. 

53 Letter of Dousman to Herring, March 26, 1835, in the Street Papers, His- 
torical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

54 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, pp. 475, 478. 

VOL. XIV — 25 


bagoes by which they promised to move to the Neutral 
Ground in the Iowa country.^^ In 1833 Agent Street wrote 
to William Clark describing the new location of his wards, 
the Winnebagoes, in what is now northeastern Iowa. It 
was a fertile country, well watered, and with fine mill 
streams. At that time, game was plenty. The Winnebagoes 
moved reluctantly, but finally a part of the tribe established 
themselves at an old Sac village on the Turkey Eiver, about 
twenty-five or thirty miles west of Prairie du Chien. A site 
for the school had been selected about ten miles west of 
Fort Crawford on the dividing ridge between the Yellow 
and Gerrard's rivers.^'' 

The report of the Prairie du Chien agency for the period 
from October 1, 1832, to September 30, 1833, illustrates the 
items of expenditure in an agency where no educational or 
industrial work was attempted. The chief items were as 
follows : 

J. M. Street, agent 
Thomas B. Burnett, sub-agent 

" " " counsel and attorney's fees 
Amable Grignon, interpreter 
John Dowling, rent for agency building 
Winnebago annuities for 1832 
Winnebago annuities for 1833 
The total expenditure was $13,785.38" 

55 The treaty of September 15, 1832. — Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 

66 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. X, No. 512, pp. 651-653. 

The school had been provided for by the treaty of 1832. It was to be main- 
tained for twenty-seven years, but was not to cost more than $3000 per annum. 
Inspections were to be made by the Governor of Illinois, the Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs, the Winnebago Indian agent, any oiBcer of the United States 
army above the rank of major, and by the commanding officer at Fort Craw- 
ford. — Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 346. 

57 Executive Documents, 1st Sess., 23rd Congress, Vol. VI, No. 490, pp. 142, 





The revolution in the Indian Department, following the 
reorganization law of 1834, affected the position of Joseph 
M. Street as it did that of Marmaduke S. Davenport, and he 
was ordered to Fort Armstrong as the agent of the Sacs 
and Foxes. In August of 1834, he paid the Sac and Fox 
Indians their annuities in bank notes at Rock Island and 
reported that they appeared grateful to him and to P. 
Chouteau, the trader, who had given them credit. 

The change was not at all pleasing to Mr. Street. He had 
just completed a two-story stone house for the Indian 
school, and $2,500 had recently been appropriated for the 
purchase of an agent's house. In a letter to Lewis Cass, 
the Grovernor of Michigan Territory, written on September 
12, 1834, he protested against his transfer to Rock Island. 
He urged that his acquaintance with the Winnebagoes made 
him more valuable among them. Besides, there were no 
Sacs and Foxes within one hundred and fifty miles of Rock 
Island. Furthermore, there were no schools nor churches 
at the latter place and Street had a family of children to 
educate. Finally, there were no agency buildings at Rock 
Island fit for occupation. 

Agent Street also appealed to friends at Washington to 
use their influence to have him returned to Prairie du Chien, 
but protests and influence were unavailing. Possibly the 
Department had sufficient reason for the transfer, but none 
was given, and on March 5, 1835, Street received a letter 
from Elbert Herring, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
which reads as follows: 

You have been appointed by the President and Senate, Agent for 
the Indian tribes attached to the Prairie du Chien Agency. I en- 
close a bond, which you will please to execute in the penal sum of 
Two thousand dollars. The sufficiency of the sureties must be at- 
tested by the District Judge or District Attorney. "When it is re- 


turned to the office your Commission will be forwarded. In 
conformity with the instructions of 28th of October last, you will 
deliver all the public property of every description at Prairie du 
Chien to the Commanding Officer at Fort Crawford, on the first day 
of April next, and repair to Rock Island, which has been selected 
as the site of your agency.^^ 

The period between 1834 and 1838 was one of uncertainty. 
Part of the time Street's family lived at Prairie du Chien 
and part of the time on Rock Island, where the military 
buildings of Fort Armstrong were turned over to the agent 
in 1836. At the time of this order, Street was informed by 
Commissioner Herring that he would not be returned to 
Prairie du Chien, but in spite of this statement the agent 
and his friends persisted in their efforts to secure his 

In 1837, Thomas P. Street, a son of the agent, who lived 
at Prairie du Chien, wrote to his father giving an account 
of a visit of Governor Henry Dodge to the Winnebago 
school on the Yellow Eiver. The younger Street declared 
that Governor Dodge, who was Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs, had promised that Joseph M. Street might have his 
choice of the Sac and Fox or the Prairie du Chien agen- 

In the meantime the business of the agency had been car- 
ried on as usual, although the distance of the Indians from 
Rock Island made the work difficult. In 1837 Agent Street 
conducted a party of about thirty Sac and Fox Indians, in- 

68 Street Papers, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

It is difficult to explain why Kock Island was selected as the site of the 
Prairie du Chien agency. Street apparently retained supervisory authority over 
the Winnebagoes until 1838, when he gave up hope of being returned to Prairie 
du Chien. 

B» Letter of Herring to Street, April 12, 1836, in the Street Papers, Historical 
Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

60 Letter of Thomas P. Street, February 16, 1837, in the Street Papers, His- 
torical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 



eluding Black Hawk, Wapello and his wife and son, to 
Wash-ington, D. C, and other eastern cities. Among the 
attractions of the trip were visits to such places as Faneuil 
Hall, a military parade, and a reception by Governor Ed- 
ward Everett of Massachusetts. Mr. Street who was a 
strict Presbyterian was unwilling to attend the theater, so 
John Beach, his son-in-law, accompanied the Indians to the 
Tremont to see Forrest, the noted actor.*'^ It was during 
this visit to Washington that the chiefs made the treaty of 
October 21, 1837, by which additional land in Iowa was 
ceded to the United States — the first treaty with these 
Indians in which it was stipulated that interest on a certain 
sum should be paid to them, as annuities, instead of the 
principal in installments. The country remaining to the 
natives after this treaty was an irregular rectangle about 
one hundred and forty miles each way. The northern line 
was the longest, the southern the shortest. The eastern 
boundary, which was not in fact a straight line, but two 
lines forming an obtuse angle, was some one hundred and 
fifty miles long.*'^ 

Governor Dodge's promise that Street might choose be- 
tween Rock Island and Prairie du Chien was apparently not 
considered by the authorities at Washington, for on March 
10, 1838, Carey A. Harris, the Commissioner of Indian Af- 
fairs, sent the following instructions to Street: 

The treaty with the Sacs and Foxes of October 21, 1837, having 
been ratified, you will proceed without delay to select sites for the 
Agency house, and appurtenant buildings, which shall be at least 
10 miles from the exterior line of the late cession. Having done this, 
you will make contracts for the erection of all the buildings, not 
exceeding your estimate of $3500, and at as much lower rates as 
will be consistent with a judicious economy ; and you will bear in 

81 Waterman's History of Wapello County, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 24, 25. 
62Kappler's Indian Afairs, Vol. II, p. 495; Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 
25th Congress, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 490-494. 


mind the fact, that these must be temporary establishments upon 
which no avoidable expenditures should be made. Every circum- 
stance indicates, that the Indians cannot remain in their present 
country with comfort or propriety, after the settlement of the whites 
shall have multiplied around them.^^ 

These instructions were later modified by the require- 
ment that the agency should be located on a navigable 

The change was acceptable to the agent who, as early as 
1836, had advocated the removal of the Sac and Fox Agency 
to some point on the Des Moines River near the Indian 
boundary line, fifty or sixty miles from Fort Des Moines 
and near the proposed military road to Fort Leavenworth.^* 
Rock Island was out of the question as a site for the agency, 
for the Indians were entirely separated from it by settled 

Early in the spring of 1838 Agent Street, accompanied by 
Poweshiek and a party of Indians, selected a site for the 
new Sac and Fox Agency on the Des Moines River near 
what is now Agency, Iowa. A council house, agent's dwell- 
ing house, shops, and other necessary buildings were soon 
erected by a contractor from Clarksville, Missouri. A farm 
was begun under the direction of Richard Kerr, who came 
out as farmer at a salary of fifty dollars a month ; and by 
April, 1839, Mr. Street moved his family from Prairie du 
Chien to the new agency.^^ The home of the agent was a 
two-story frame building and grouped about it were the 

03 Letter of Harris to Street, March 10, 183-8, in the Street Papers, Historical 
Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

61 Letter of Street to G. W. Jones, January 25, 1836, in the Street Papers, 
Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Street at this time was visiting at Prairie du Chien. He congratulated Jones 
on his election as Territorial Delegate in spite of the opposition of Eolette, 
Dousman, and Loekwood, the traders who were also bitterly hostile to Street. 

«B Fulton 's The Eed Men of Iowa, pp. 349, 350. 



homes of the agency employees.^*' Two mills were also built 
in accordance with the provision of the treaty of 1837 : one 
on Soap Creek, across the Des Moines River and about 
seven miles from the agency; and another on Sugar Creek 
between the present sites of Ottumwa and Agency. The 
latter was built by the agent at the request of Appanoose 
who lived in that vicinity, but it proved a bad investment 
because of lack of water.*^^ 

The establishment of the new agency coincided with the 
organization of the Territory of Iowa and henceforth the 
Sac and Fox agent was subordinate to the Governor of the 
Territory of Iowa, who was ex officio Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for that Territory. 

According to Street's estimate in 1839, the Indians under 
his charge numbered about 4546. They were divided into 
five bands : three under Appanoose, Wapello, and Keokuk 
on the Des Moines River; a division of Wapello's band on 
the Skunk River; and Poweshiek's band one hundred miles 
away on the Iowa River. It was planned that each group 
was to have a farm, and a contract was let for breaking and 
fencing 1439 acres of prairie ; 640 acres on the Iowa River, 
and 799 acres on the Des Moines. Two hundred acres had 

66 Waterman 's History of Wapello County, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 29, 30. 

The first employees were Eiehard Kerr, the farmer; Josiah Smart, inter- 
preter; Charles Withington, blacksmith; and Harry Sturdevant, gunsmith. 
Additional laborers were often employed. 

67 House Executive Documents, 1st Sess., 26th Congress, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 

68 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 25th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 490-494. 
This included 1300 Sacs under Appanoose, 800 members of the same tribe 

under Keokuk, and 2446 Foxes under Wapello and Poweshiek. The number 
was probably too large. 

In 1840 John Beach reported between 3800 and 4200 Indians. A census of 
the Sacs and Foxes, completed on September 19, 1842, gave the number as 
2348. The decrease was partly due to the more careful enumeration, although 
dissipation and hardship were undoubtedly diminishing the membership of the 
tribe. — Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 26th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 328; 
Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 423-427. 


already been broken for the Sacs and 250 for the Foxes, 
upon which they raised considerable corn.''^ Nevertheless, 
Agent Street was much discouraged. Whiskey was brought 
to the Indians and white men settled on the Indian lands, 
either ignorantly or intentionally. The results were always 
disastrous to the Indians. One settler, Reason Jordan, had 
built a house on the reservation and refused to remove. He 
had, furthermore, taken a cow which the agent had given to 
Black Hawk and had later seized a yoke of oxen belonging 
to Keokuk. These animals, he declared, he intended to kill 
and eat in order to cancel a debt which the Indians owed 
him. The agent appeared to be helpless. There was no 
civil authority to support him and no military force near at 
hand. On September 14, 1839, Street wrote to Governor 
Lucas of Iowa Territory of this difficulty. "It is in vain", 
he said, "that authority is given me to forcibly act in case 
of the introduction of intoxicating liquors, or with respect 
to the being or residing in the Indian country, for without 
force to call to my aid I am less able than an ordinary man, 
within a State or Territory, to do anything. " 

At the payment of the annuities in 1839 Mr. Street re- 
ported that one hundred white men crowded the Indians out 
of the council house, and when ordered out they pulled the 
chinking from between the logs and watched the distribution 
of the money they hoped soon to secure. The Indians im- 
mediately turned over to the traders $12,000 in payment of 
debts and the Foxes gave them $3000 more to pay some 
absent creditors. It was no wonder that Street wrote to the 
Department: "I have, under the instructions of the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, located their agency among 
them within their own country, and within an hour 's ride of 
their principal town, [but] I have little hope that any good 

89 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 25th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 490-494. 
fo Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 26th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 499. 



can be done the Indians, unless some more efficient plan can 
be adopted to exclude whiskey and the white people from the 
Indian country. "'^^ 

On the other hand, the fur traders disliked Street and at- 
tempted to drive him from office. He was charged with 
favoritism to certain traders and with failing to account for 
public funds. On October 17, 1839, E. A. Hitchcock wrote to 
Street commenting on the charges that the agent had em- 
bezzled one hundred dollars of Sac and Fox funds, and in 
addition had acted dishonestly in connection with the Half- 
breed Tract. He declared, however, that Secretary Craw- 
ford did not believe the charge and added: "The only 
wonder expressed in regard to the business has been, that 
you had the courage to brave a parcel of sharpers who ' as a 
matter of course' would attack you." The most specific 
charge against Street was that he had given the annuity 
money to the agent of the American Fur Company instead 
of to the Indians, thus leaving the other creditors without a 
proportionate share of the payment.^^ 

In answer to these charges Street secured letters from 
various people who had been present at the distribution of 
annuities in 1838 and 1839. Among these was William 
Phelps, the representative of the American Fur Company, 
who wrote a public letter to Street on January 20, 1840, 
giving a detailed account of the annuity distribution as he 
saw it. The annuities for 1838, Phelps declared, had been 
in the hands of Dr. Reynolds, the military disbursing agent 
— and had been given by him to the chiefs. A large sum 
was immediately paid by them to the agent of the American 
Fur Company. The Indians then asked Street to assist 
them in settling their other debts and this the agent and 

71 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 25tli Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 490-494. 
"Letter of E. A. Hitchcock to Street, October 17, 1839, in the Street Papers, 
Historieal Department, I>es Moines, Iowa. 


Dr. Reynolds tried to do. In 1839 the office of military dis- 
bursing agent had been discontinued and the regular agent 
gave the annuity money to the chiefs, who again paid the 
American Fur Company before paying the other creditors. 
Street was not a party to this transaction, but, on the con- 
trary, had urged the Indians to pay all their creditors equal- 
ly. These statements were corroborated by William B. 
Street, a son of the agent, and by Josiah Smart, the inter- 
preter, who declared that Joseph M. Street was ignorant of 
the intentions of the chiefs to favor the American Fur 
Company ."^^ 

Agent Street, himself, also denied any knowledge of an 
agreement between the agent of the American Fur Company 
and the Indians but added: "I did not consider it a part of 
my duty to compell the Inds. or the Company or any Indi- 
vidual to submit their private affairs to m}^ investigation 
unless there was some violation of law & propriety. ' ' What- 
ever the basis of the charges, Street's superiors evidently 
did not consider them as well founded. Governor Lucas 
wrote on February 18, 1840: "In justice to Gen'l Street I 
will state that as far as I have had any intercourse with him 

73 Letter of William Phelps to J. M. Street, January 20, 1840, in the Letters 
from the Correspondence of Hohert Lucas, John Cliambers, and James Clarlc, 
Territorial Governors and Superintendents of Indian Affairs for the Territory 
of Iowa, 1838-1846, Vol. I, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Josiah Smart, furthermore, declared that Street was always careful in the 
management of public funds, and that he had reduced a bill of Smart's for 
breaking land before he became interpreter, because he believed the $800 
charged was too much for the work performed. 

This interpreter, Josiah Smart, was a romantic pioneer character. Though a 
man of considerable ability and education, he had married an Indian woman 
and when among the Indians adopted their dress. Just before the outbreak of 
the Black Hawk War he had made a visit to Keokuk's village on the Iowa 
Eiver, disguised as a Sac brave and narrowly escaped death at the hands of 
Black Hawk and his followers. — Strong's The Sauks and the Black Hawk War, 
pp. 235, 236, 238; The Sac and Fox Indians and the Treaty of 1842, in The 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. X, p. 265. 



lie has manifested a deep interest for the welfare of the 
Inds. under his charge ".'^^ 

While it is, of course, possible that Joseph M. Street was 
really unfair and dishonest, his enemies have apparently 
failed to leave proof of any specific offenses, and the repu- 
tation of most of the traders of that period is hardly suf- 
ficient to convict a man on their unsupported charges. 
They succeeded, however, in annoying and humiliating the 
agent and in arousing insubordination against him among 
his subordinates. One of his interpreters, Josiah Smart, 
was loyal throughout, but the other, John Groodell, was op- 
posed to him. 

Before the charges against Street had been completely 
refuted, he died at the agency house on May 5, 1840. His 
son-in-law, John Beach, was appointed agent in his place, 
and immediately took up the work of the agency. Amid 
the mourning Indians, Joseph M. Street was buried at the 
agency. By his side, two years later, the Indian chief 
Wapello was buried, at his own request, in order that he 
might be near his "white father "."^^ 

The new agent. Lieutenant John Beach, was a graduate 
of West Point and in character and ability a worthy suc- 
cessor of Joseph M. Street. When he reached the agency in 
the summer of 1840 he found about 2300''*' Indians on the 
reservation. They were divided into six villages, over 

74 Letter of J. M. Street, February 6, 1840, in the Letters from the Corres- 
pondence of Robert Lucas, John Chambers, and James Clarlc, Territorial Gov- 
ernors and Superintendents of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Iowa, 1838- 
1846, Vol. I, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

75 Letter of Thos. P. Street to Wm. Street, March 24, 1840, in the Street 
Papers, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

These men were Joseph M. Street's sons. John Goodell had been nominated 
by Governor Lucas on January 27, 1840. Even before the elder Street 's death, 
his family had asked that Beach or one of the sons be appointed temporary 
agent during Mr. Street's illness. 

76 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, p. 426. 


which various chiefs presided. About five miles north of 
the agency and on the opposite bank of the river, was the 
home of Keokuk's band. Here, half-way up the bluff at the 
rear of the Indian village was the chief's wigwam, with his 
little patch of corn and beans. Wapello and Appanoose had 
villages a short distance above Keokuk's, about a mile 
apart. The lower half of the slope above the river was culti- 
vated by the squaws in a rude way, but the tribe was absent 
a large part of the time and permanent improvements were 
not possible. A fourth village was situated twenty-five 
miles northwest on the Des Moines Eiver. Ten miles be- 
yond, on the Skunk River, was the village of Kishkekosh; 
while the sixth village was sixty or seventy miles away on 
the Iowa River.'^'^ 

The agricultural work of the agency was maintained 
under discouraging conditions. In 1840 Governor Lucas 
reported that the pattern farm contained about thirty acres 
and the regular agency farm about one hundred. In addi- 
tion to these farms, three fields near the Indian village had 
been plowed by the white farmers for the Indians, but Ap- 
panoose's band was the only one which had cultivated the 
crop. They had some eleven acres of wheat stacked.'^* 
Lieutenant Beach reported in 1841 that the farm contained 
177 acres, including two acres planted in watermelons, the 
only things the Indians preferred to whiskey.'''^ 

In 1842 the agent reported that the farm had been in- 

7T House Executive Documents, 2nd Sess., 27tli Congress, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 
327-330; Evans's (Editor) Eistory of Wapello County, pp. 19, 20. 

7s Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 26th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 323. 

George Wilson, another son-in-law of Joseph M. Street, and likewise a grad- 
uate of West Point, was appointed farmer on November 1, 1842, and served 
until the Indians were removed in 1843. His wife received $240 as matron. 
Besides the farmer, about ten laborers were employed between 1841 and 1843 
at about $240 a year. When the treaty was made Wilson received a preemption 
claim to the pattern farm. — Annals of loiva (First Series), Vol. XII, p. 96. 

79 House Executive Documents, 2nd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, pp. 327-330. 



creased to 234 acres and produced 300 barrels of flour, be- 
tween 1300 and 1800 bushels of corn, and about 800 bushels 
each of potatoes and turnips. None of the work, however, 
was performed by Indians, and Beach declared : ' ' That the 
Indians can be induced to cultivate it, or to resort to any 
other than their customary imperfect mode of tillage, it is 
not to be expected, under their present circumstances ; and 
while such is the case, there is no way in which a small por- 
tion of their means can be more judiciously applied, than in 
the employment of a few competent persons for purposes 
of agriculture."^^ Not only did the Indians refuse to work,, 
but they tore down the fences and turned their ponies in to 
feed on the wheat stacks, rather than to be put to the trouble 
of catching them when turned out to feed. 

The payment of the annuities was the occasion for much 
dispute. The two payments preceding that of 1840 had been 
made to the chiefs, but some of the Indians were dissatisfied^ 
especially those belonging to Hardfish's band, which was 
largely composed of followers of Black Hawk. The Indians 
who opposed this method of distribution claimed that the 
chiefs showed partiality to the American Fur Company.. 
Indeed, Governor Lucas reported, in 1840, that Keokuk, 
Wapello, and Appanoose had turned over $40,000 of the 
annuity money, as well as a draft for the $5000 reserved 
for education, to the agent of this company.^^ The Wash- 
ington authorities favored the former method for two rea- 
sons: first it was simpler and secondly, it increased the 
authority of the chiefs, a desirable influence in dealing with 
the tribes. On August 18, 1840, it was ordered that the an- 
nuities for that year should be distributed by the agent as 
usual, but when the Indians assembled the opposition be- 
came so great that Beach hesitated and sent Major Pilcher,, 

80 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 424-427. 

81 Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 26th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 324. 


the disbursing agent, to secure specie instead of paper 
money. Finally, Governor Lucas ordered Beach to send for 
the money, pay the annuities to the chiefs and braves to 
whom it had been paid the previous year and not permit any 
interference by white men.^^ Governor Lucas, however, was 
removed from office before the payment was made. 

John Chambers, the new Governor, and Lieutenant Beach 
made arrangements by which the annuity for that year was 
divided, $16,000 being paid to Hardfish's band and $24,000 
to Keokuk's followers. It was further agreed that the an- 
nuity for 1841 should be paid to the heads of families in- 
stead of to the chiefs.^^ A memorandum made by John 
Beach in 1842 gives a detailed report of the distribution of 
the annuities under this arrangement. The name of each 
Indian is given ; the number of men, women, and children in 
his family ; and finally, the amount paid him — about seven- 
teen dollars for each individual.^^ Thus the question of the 
method of distributing the Sac and Fox annuities was 
finally settled as John Beach had advised. 

Aside from the government employees the only white men 
who were permitted by law to reside within the reservation 
were the licensed traders. The Sac and Fox Agency had a 
number of these. J. P. Eddy, licensed by Beach in 1840, had 
a trading-house at what is now Eddyville, then the home of 
the Indians under Hardfish or Wishecomaque. Pierre 
Chouteau, Jr., and Company had a post about a quarter of 
a mile below Eddy's, and W. G. and G. W. Ewing were as- 
signed a station at the mouth of Sugar Creek, on the Ot- 
tumwa side of the river. The character of these men was 
reported as rather above that of the average Indian trader, 

82 Shambangh 's Executive Journal of loica, 1838-1841, pp. 257-259. 

The chiefs and braves to whom the money was to be paid numbered about 

83 Parish 's John Chambers, pp. 173-175. 

8-4 Manuscript in Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 



yet when the investigation of the claims against the Indians 
was made in 1841, the men who were conducting tlie investi- 
gation found that some of the accounts, especially those of 
the Ewings, included such appropriate items as Italian 
cravats and forty-five dollar dress coats.®^ 

Although Beach appears to have had less difficulty with 
these traders than the former agent had, their influence was 
recognized as formidable and was feared by men higher in 
authority than the Indian agent, as may be seen from two 
letters of Governor John Chambers — both written to Sec- 
retary Crawford of the War Department. One dated 
September 17, 1842, asserted that he had no favorites among 
the traders but had "always referred the subject of grant- 
ing and changing licenses to the Agent, well knowing that 
if I exercised it in any case and should have occasion to 
revoke the licenses of others, it would be said that I was 
promoting the interest of favorites in doing so, tho God 
knows I have no favorites among them, and wish most sin- 
cerely the system could be so changed as to dispense with 
them altogether." Again, on February 24, 1843, he wrote: 
*'I acknowledge that (altho personally I am not a timid 
man) officially I fear these 'regular traders' because I can- 
not, by any power I possess, or influence I can obtain or 
exert, control, treat with, or influence the Indians in opposi- 
tion to their interests or wishes." These traders, declared 
Governor Chambers, brought letters from members of Con- 
gress, recommending them ' ' as gentlemen of integrity, high 
standing, and great influence, and I suppose they might, in 
great truth, add, what would be equivalent to all the rest, 
distinguished for their great wealth, acquired in the Indian 

85 Parish's John Chambers, p. 182; Evans's (Editor) History of Wapello 
County, Iowa, p. 21. i 
Letters from the Correspondence of Boiert Lucas, John Chambers, and 
James Clark, Territorial Governors and Superintendents of Indian Affairs for 
the Territory of Iowa, 1838-1846, Vol. II, Historical Department, Des Moines. 


When tlie Governor of the Territory of Iowa thus admit- 
ted that he feared the power of these traders it is not difficult 
to understand how unpleasant they might make the work of 
the agent, with whose character and ability few people had 
an opportunity to become acquainted. In addition to the 
licensed traders, the frontier was infested with men whose 
chief stock in trade was whiskey. 

Although John Beach appears to have had less trouble 
with the traders than Joseph M. Street had experienced, he 
believed that they were opposed to him and to the civiliza- 
tion of the Indians. Soon after his appointment, he wrote 
to Governor Chambers: "The imposition and rascality 
practiced upon my charges is increasing to an alarming 
degree from the prospect of a treaty. God grant that the 
wretches concerned may then receive the reward of their 
iniquity, though in a different mode from that anticipated 
by them. Whiskey is pouring into the villages by every 
avenue and' the poor drunken creatures are daily seen 
stretched senseless along the roads."" To remedy this 
condition Beach advocated, in his report of September 2, 
1840, that one trader should be appointed for each tribe and 
the prices of goods regulated by the agent. This would pre- 
vent the Indians from wandering about to various places to 
trade where the chief attraction was whiskey, and would 
also prevent the sale of unnecessary and high priced goods 
to the Indians, who would buy anything, at any price if they 
could get it on credit. Among articles of this kind Beach 
listed side-saddles and cloth at eight and ten dollars per 
yard.^* It is needless to say that this recommendation was 
not carried out and the traders remained to reap their gold- 
en harvests at the time of the Indian annuity payments. 

87 Letter of John Beach, August 14, 1840, in the Letters from the Correspond- 
ence of Eobert Lucas, John Chambers, and James Clark, Territorial Governors 
and Superintendents of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Iowa, 1838-1846, 
Vol. II, State Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 

88 Senate Documents, 2nd Sess., 26th Session, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 326. 



The white settlers and illegal traders became so defiant 
that Agent Beach asked for a military force to remove them. 
At first detachments were sent from Fort Atkinson, but as 
soon as the specific work assigned them had been done they 
returned to the fort, and almost immediately the intruders 
were back again. The grist mill on Soap Creek, built 
under Beach's direction after the first mill had been 
destroyed by a flood, was burned in the summer of 1842 and 
the agent reported that the incendiaries were men who were 
angry because they had been driven off the reservation.®^ 
With men of this sort watching every opportunity to enter 
the reservation the agent in charge had neither a safe nor 
an easy post, nor could he hope to arouse much enthusiasm 
among his charges for improving lands which white men 
were already staking out as claims. As the time for the 
making of the proposed treaty approached, the activity of 
the frontiersmen increased. Both Beach and Governor 
Chambers wrote to ask for troops. Governor Chambers 
directed the following appeal to General Atkinson on Sep- 
tember 16, 1842 : beg that you will despatch the company 
required without delay, as the return of Lieut. Grier with 
his command will leave the public property at the agency 
exposed to much hazard of destruction. The Indian mills 
near the agency have already been destroyed by fire, and the 
Agency houses publicly threatened.'"'*^ 

The whites had been exasperated when the Sacs and 
Foxes refused to make a treaty in 1841; they now threat- 
ened violence if again thwarted in their designs. At last 
Captain Allen, in charge of a company of the First Dra- 
goons was sent to keep order at the agency under the orders 

89 Senate Documents, 3rd Sess., 27th Congress, Vol. I, p. 425. 

60 Letters from the Correspondence of Robert Lucas, John Chambers, and 
James Clark, Territorial Governors and Superintendents of Indian Affairs for 
the Territory of Iowa, 1838-1846, Vol. II, Historical Department, Des Moines, 

VOL. XIV — 26 


of Agent Beach. The men went into camp four miles west 
of the agency in some deserted cabins of the American Fur 
Company. This post, which was never a real fort, was 
named Fort Sanford by Captain Allen, but was referred to 
by the War Department simply as the Sac and Fox Agency. 

At last, the Indians assembled to meet Governor Cham- 
bers and to consider the ceding of their lands in Iowa. A 
large council tent had been erected by the agent, and here 
the chiefs met the official representatives of the United 
States. There surrounded by agency employees, white 
traders, settlers, officers, and soldiers, they made the treaty 
of October 11, 1842. The Indians loved Iowa, but the pres- 
sure of the white pioneers was unbearable. Their debts to 
the traders, which the commissioners appointed by Gov- 
ernor Chambers had approved, amounted to over $250,000 
and they realized that resistance was useless.''^ 

The treaty provided that the Sacs and Foxes might re- 
main in their present location until May 1, 1843, when they 
promised to remove west of a line running north and south 
through the painted rocks on the White Breast Fork of the 
Des Moines River. Here they were permitted to remain 
three years, but at the end of this period all their land east 
of the Missouri was to be vacated. It was also provided 
that the section of land on which the agency house was lo- 
cated and on which Wapello and Joseph M. Street were 
buried should be given to Mrs. Street, the Indians paying 
$1000 out of their annuity money for the buildings. The 
treaty was signed by John Chambers and by forty-four Sac 
and Fox chiefs and braves, and was witnessed by Agent 
John Beach, Antoine Le Claire, and Josiah Smart (inter- 

91 Parish's John Chambers, pp. 178-185; Journal of Captain Allen in The 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XI, pp. 70, 71; Van der Zee's 
Forts in the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, 
Vol. XII, pp. 191, 193. 



preters), Captain Allen, Lieutenant Ruff, Arthur Bridg- 
man, Alfred Hebard, and Jacob 0. Phister.''^ 

In the spring of 1843, the Indians began their reluctant 
march to the new center higher up on the Des Moines where 
Lieutenant Beach had located a temporary agency. The 
site selected was a mile east of Fort Des Moines which had 
been established between the Raccoon and Des Moines rivers 
by Captain Allen. This fort was established for the protec- 
tion of the Sacs and Foxes from the Sioux and from the 
white settlers, and was garrisoned by about one hundred 
men. By about the middle of May both soldiers and Indians 
were established in the new quarters and John Beach re- 
sumed agency work.^^ Since this post was temporary, 
however, no attempt was made to resume agricultural oper- 
ations nor to establish schools for the children. 

From this new center the Indians wandered about, hunt- 
ing or visiting their old haunts on the Iowa and Des Moines 
rivers, their visits to the whites being induced largely by the 
hope of securing "firewater". Early in the spring they 
moved to their sugar camps to make sugar and molasses, 
but later they returned to their permanent camps where the 
squaws planted a few acres in corn, beans, and melons. 

Reverend B. A. Spaulding, who visited the Des Moines 
agency in 1844, reported that the agency corps consisted of 
the agent, an interpreter, two gunsmiths, and two black- 
smiths, with their families and servants. About two hun- 
dred whites, including the garrison of the fort, lived within 
the reservation, and on the banks of the Des Moines River 
was an Indian village with two or three hundred inhabit- 

s2Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 546-549. 

The interpreter, Josiah Smart, had a large log house near the agency house 
and ran a farm on the reservation. He had an Indian wife and two daughters. 
He was also the owner of two slave women. — Annals of Iowa, Vol. XII, p. 96. 

93 Brigham 's History of Des Moines and Folic County, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 22, 
47, 48. 


ants. The huge bark wigwams stood in the midst of deso- 
lation. Trees, shrubs, and even grass had been destroyed 
by the horses and the people so that dust was everywhere. 
He estimated the total number of Indians at 2200.^* 

Agent Beach realized that the change in location had not 
freed the Indians from temptation and declared that, "it is 
not a subject of astonishment that the education, the civil- 
ization, and especially the glorious religion of the white 
man, are held by them in so little estimation. Our education 
appears to consist in knowing how most effectually to cheat 
them; our civilization in knowing how to pander to the 
worst propensities of nature, and then beholding the crim- 
inal and inhuman results with a cold indifference — a worse 
than heathen apathy; while our religion is readily summed 
up in the consideration of dollars and cents. ' ' In this same 
report Beach complained that the site of the agency was 
unhealthful and declared that in the preceding year seventy- 
nine Indians, including Pashepaho, had died.^^ 

The agent, however, was not the only one who described 
the effect of the whites on the Indians. A witness of the 
distribution of the last Sac and Fox annuities at Fort Des 
Moines in 1845 asserted that the soldiers gave the Indians 
liquor in the presence of their officers and declared that 
"the location of Fort Des Moines among the Sac and Fox 
Indians (under its present commander,) for the last two 
years, has corrupted them more and lowered them deeper 
in the scale of vice and degradation, than all their inter- 
course with the whites for the ten years previous. Captain 
Allen thinks nothing of Treating the Indians to Liquor, and 
the night before the payment he sent a bottle of liquor to 
Pow-e-sliiek with his compliments." 

»* Ottumiva Courier, August 10, 1912, See. 3, p. 4. 

95 Senate Documents, 1st Sess., 29th Congress, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 485, 486. 
Pashepaho was a brother of Hardfish. 



''It is said by those living near the garrison that Captain 
A. and the Sutler had a particular object in view in making 
the Indians drunk about the time of the payment." After 
severely condemning the military officer for not enforcing 
the law excluding liquor, the writer added: "Captain Beach 
made the second order on Captain Allen to clear the country 
of at least the whiskey peddlers, but he paid no attention to 
what Mr. Beach wished done.""^ 

An inhabitant of Des Moines described the old agency 
house in 1861, just before it was torn down, as follows : 

This building is a log-cabin of a 'story and a half high, weather- 
boarded, and containing two rooms below and one above. Here all 
the business with the Indians was transacted during the three years 
intervening between the time of the treaty at Agency (which was 
near the western line of the first cession of land made by the Sac 
and Fox Indians after the Black Hawk war), when their remaining 
lands in Iowa were ceded to the general government, till their title 

The house is now within the corporate limits of Des Moines, for- 
merly Fort Des Moines, and stands about a mile from the city, at 
the south eastern limit of the grove in which it (the city) is located. 
It is situated on elevated ground, on the south side of the road lead- 
ing to Iowa City, the former capital of the State, and faces to the 
northwest. The ground falls abruptly, just back of the building, a 
short distance, and then slopes to the shore of Spring Lake, beyond 
which the prairie extends eastward three miles to a belt of timber 
. . . . known as Four-Mile Timber, from a stream of that name 
along which it grows.^'^ 

At last the end of the three-year reprieve was at hand. 
Many people believed that the Indians would refuse to 
leave; but convinced of the hopelessness of resistance, the 
Sacs took up the march and by the last of September, 1845, 
the last of this tribe had crossed the Missouri. The Foxes 

98 Van der Zee 's Forts in the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal op His- 
TOET AND Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 195, 196. 
97 Harper 's WeeMy, February 9, 1861. 


followed slowly but stopped on the way to visit the Potta- 
wattamies and did not reach the rendezvous until after 
Beach made his report in September, 1846. The history of 
these tribes is henceforth not connected with Iowa history 
except for the few who later straggled back to dwell upon 
the banks of the Iowa — a pitiful remnant of a vanished 
race.^^ After conducting the Indians to their new homes, 
John Beach returned to Iowa and made his home at Agency 
City, where he died on August 31, 1874.^^ 

E.UTH A. Gallaher 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City Iowa 

98 Executive Documents, 2nd Sess., 29th Congress, Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 299, 300. 
»9 For a brief biography of John Beach see Fulton's Bed Men of Iowa, pp. 
351, 352. 


The Territory of Iowa had scarcely been established and 
its government put into operation when there sprang up an 
agitation in favor of statehood. Indeed, in his message of 
November, 1839, Governor Robert Lucas gave his hearty 
support to the movement; but the Legislative Assembly 
refused to act upon his suggestions. Nevertheless, the ad- 
vocates of admission into the Union were so insistent that 
at an extra session of the legislature in the summer of 1840 
an act was passed submitting the question to a vote of the 
people. Little interest was manifested in the election, but a 
decisive majority against the proposition indicated that the 
people of Iowa were not yet ready for statehood. 

In spite of the fact that the following year witnessed a 
change in the ofSce of Governor of the Territory — John 
Chambers, a Whig, taking the place of Robert Lucas who 
was a Democrat — the proposal to form a State government 
was not allowed to remain long in the background. Gov- 
ernor Chambers likewise espoused the movement, another 
act calling for an expression of the popular will was passed, 
there was a vigorous discussion, and again the statehood 
propagandists met defeat. This was in 1842. Two years 
later they were successful. A constitutional convention met 
and drew up a constitution under which it was confidently 
expected that Iowa would soon be admitted into the Union. 
Once more all hopes were dashed to the ground. Congress 
reduced the boundaries of the proposed State, cutting it off 
entirely from the Missouri River. As a result the people 
indignantly refused to adopt the constitution when it was 



submitted to them. In fact it was not until December 28, 
1846, that the long campaign for statehood culminated in 
the signing of the act of Congress which made Iowa a mem- 
ber of the Union of Commonwealths.^ 

The following article is copied verbatim from the Iowa 
Capitol Reporter (Iowa City) of July 23, 1842. It is one of 
the most comprehensive and detailed arguments in favor of 
statehood that appeared in the newspapers of Iowa during 
the course of the agitation. The reasons adduced in sup- 
port of the proposition in 1842 were substantially the same 
as those relied upon throughout the period of discussion by 
the friends of the movement. Incidentally there is in this 
lengthy plea a reflection also of the arguments used against 
the abandonment of the Territorial status. 

Furthermore, the article throws some light on conditions 
in the Territory of Iowa in 1842 with respect to the rapidity 
of settlement, the physical resources of the Territory, the 
development of commerce and industries, the amount of 
local revenue, the salaries and fees of county and township 
ofificers, and the efforts that were being made to eliminate 
extravagance in the administration of public business ; and 
it indicates the ideas of the period concerning suitable sal- 
aries for State officers. While it should be remembered 
that the article is a brief for statehood, it appears to be sub- 
stantially free from any distortion of the facts. It is an 
excellent statement of one side of the principal public ques- 
tion before the people of Iowa from 1838 to 1846. 

Dan Elbert Claek 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City Iowa 

1 For accounts of the movement toward statehood in Iowa see Shambaugh's 
History of the Constitutions of loiva, Chs. IX-XVIII; Pelzer's Augustus 
Caesar Bodge, Ch. VIII; and Parish's John Chambers, Ch. XIII. 


To the Voters of Iowa ! 

At the ensuing August election the Voters of Iowa will 
be called upon to vote for or against a "Convention" to 
form a Constitution preparatory to the admission of the 
Territory into the Union as a free, independent and sover- 
eign State. As this is one of the most important questions 
which it may ever be their duty or privilege to decide, it be- 
hooves them that they should possess a full understanding 
of the whole subject. We have hoped that it would not be a 
fruitless labor on our part if we should endeavor to give a 
hurried statement of the arguments for, as well as the ob- 
jections to, voting for the Convention at the coming election. 
We hope too that no one will be deterred from perusing 
this address by its length, but that they will give it their 
patient attention. We desire to lay the subject before our 
fellow citizens in a plain, comprehensive manner, fitted to 
the humblest intellect, so that he who runs may not only 
read, but understand also. We have also shut out from 
view all partizan feelings, believing that the question to be 
decided will in no wise be connected with the party politics 
of the day, but [that it is a question] of a higher nature, and 
more important in its results to the people of Iowa than all 
their petty elections for county or Territorial officers. 

It would be great vanity in us to suppose that we could, 
if we even felt disposed, examine this subject without fre- 
quently recurring to many arguments which have heretofore 
been used. This we do not affect or pretend to do, the chief 
object of our address being to collect and lay before the 
people of the Territory all the information we have in our 
possession on the subject. 

And as an additional preliminary remark, we would warn 
our fellow citizens to beware of the sophistry and wiles of 
individuals who now hold office under the present adminis- 
tration, as well as of those who expect situations under a 


State government, for all such are moved more or less by 
selfish motives, and their support or opposition to the 
Convention", emanates from the same source. Again we 
say to the people look at the question of Convention alone, 
and its consequences. 

In order that we direct our steps aright we here insert a 
synopsis of ''An act to provide for the expression of the 
people of Iowa ' &c., under the provisions of which the citi- 
zens of the Territory are required to vote at the ensuing 
August election.^ 

Sec. 1st. Provides that a poll shall be opened at the gen- 
eral election in August next, at each electoral precinct in the 
Territory, to obtain an expression of the people upon the 
subject of the formation of a Constitution and State gov- 
ernment for Iowa. 

Sec. 2d. Provides that the voters shall be interrogated by 
the judges on the subject and answer "Convention" or "No 
Convention" as they may deem proper. 

Sec. 3d. Shows the manner in which the Clerk shall write 
down the number of votes, gives the mode of returning a 
statement of the votes to the county Commissioners of the 
proper county, and the manner in which abstracts of the 
same shall be forwarded to and examined by the Governor. 

Sec. 4th. Provides that if the "Convention" prevails, an 
election shall be held for delegates on the second Monday in 
October next, and also the manner of giving notice of such 

Sec. 5th. Fixes the whole number of delegates at 82 and 
apportions them among the several counties of the Terri- 

Sec. 6th. Provides how the returns of delegates election 
shall be certified, &c. 

2 Laws of the Territory of Iowa, 1841-1842, pp. 70-73. The entire law con- 
tained fourteen sections. 


Sec. 7tli. Provides that the delegates elect shall meet at 
Iowa City on the first Monday in November next, and then 
proceed to form a Constitution, &c. 

Sec. 8th. Provides that when the Constitution is so 
formed, it shall be published and submitted to the decision 
of the voters of the Territory, at the general election for 
members of the Council and House of Representatives, 
which, if the election is not postponed until October, will be 
in August 1843. The voters will vote ''For the Constitu- 
tion" or "Against the Constitution" as they desire. This 
section further provides for the manner of transmitting to 
the Governor the returns of this election, and the manner in 
which he is required to announce the result. 

Sec. 9. Provides that qualified electors may vote for or 
against a Convention in any county in the Territory, wheth- 
er residents of the county or not; but it is provided that in 
the election for Delegates the electors shall not vote out of 
the county where they have their residences. 

This we believe is the only section of the law of immediate 
interest to the people. 

It will be well to say here that this law does not provide 
for immediate admission into the Union as some erroneous- 
ly suppose, and as others falsely assert. The course of 
progress under this act, if the ''Convention" question was 
successful, would be about as follows, viz : Delegates would 
be chosen in October next, who would meet and most prob- 
ably remain in session for four or five weeks — the Consti- 
tution formed by these delegates in Convention would then 
be submitted to the people for their adoption or rejection, 
in August 1843 ; then it would, if accepted, be forwarded to 
Congress, and an act passed admitting the Territory into 
the Union. And in the ensuing spring or summer of 1844, 
the citizens of Iowa would proceed to the election of their 
State officers ; and from that date — two years hence — we 


would be entitled to all the privileges which Freemen enjoy, 
and subject to all the burdens, if you please, with which the 
opponents of a State government endeavor to alarm the 
voters of this Territory. This we repeat would be our 
progress toward a State government under the most auspi- 
cious circumstances. — It will be important, therefore, that 
all should remember that Iowa will not under the law above 
recited be enabled to procure admission into the Union in 
less than two years. 

A lame and impotent attempt has been made by some who 
are unwilling to argue this question fairly to connect it with 
party, by endeavoring to show that if a change had not 
taken place in the administration of the General Govern- 
ment, and consequently in many of the officers in the Terri- 
tory, that no movement would have been made in favor of a 
"Convention." — This charge is not only gratuitous, but 
ridiculous in the extreme, when it is remembered that the 
subject of State government was brought before the last 
Legislative Assembly by the annual Message of Governor 
Chambers, the present Chief Magistrate of the Territory. 
This charge was evidently made with the vain hope of con- 
necting the question with party politics ; but additional evi- 
dence of its want of the semblance of truth is found in the 
fact that in 1839, Eobert Lucas, then Governor of Iowa, in 
his annual communication to the Legislature, uses the fol- 
lowing language in relation to a State government and this, 
remember, was more than tivo years ago. 

"When we consider the rapidly increasing population, 
and advancing prosperity of the Territory, we may, in my 
opinion, with propriety proceed to measures preparatory 
to the formation of a Constitution and State Government, 
and for admission into the Union as an independent State. 
I know it is the opinion of some, that such measures would 
be premature at this time, inasmuch as our expenses are 


defrayed by the U. States, — This consideration is entitled 
to weight — but when we consider the imperfect organiza- 
tion of the Territorial Government and the consequent em- 
barrassment in the administration of its internal affairs — 
and by referring to past history, compare the condition of 
the inhabitants of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, 
while under a Territorial Government, to their subsequent 
prosperity after their admission into the Union as inde- 
pendent States, the preponderance is much in favor of a 
State government — for the prosperity and improvement 
within each of the aforesaid States languished while Terri- 
tories, but advanced with rapid strides from the moment of 
their several admissions into the Union as independent 
States. With these facts before us, I would earnestly rec- 
ommend to the Legislative Assembly the early passage of a 
memorial to Congress, respectfully asking of that body the 
passage of an act, at their ensuing session, granting to the 
inhabitants of Iowa Territory, the right to form a Constitu- 
tion and State Government, and to provide for their admis- 
sion into the Union upon an equal footing with the original 

On the other hand a gentleman, who was afterwards 
twice the candidate of the whig party in this Territory for 
Congress, a member of the Legislature in the session of 
1839, '40, made a report to that body from which we are 
tempted to make the following extracts — embodying, as 
they do, cogent reasoning and an ample refutation of many 
of the arguments now advanced in opposition to a State 
government. And we will also say that if this reasoning 
was good two years ago, how much more potent will it be 
when applied to the condition of the Territory two years 

"The new States which present to the world empty cof- 
fers and bankruptcy, have been reduced to that condition, 


not by the necessary expenses of government, but by im- 
politic measures, and by unauthorized and visionary 
schemes of internal improvements." 

"It may in truth be said, that the sooner the people of 
Iowa pass through the scene of confusion from a Territorial 
to a State government, the sooner they will be able to pre- 
sent to the world a civil organization worthy of the country 
in which they live. In our judiciary, the most important 
branch of government, we cannot expect anything like per- 
fection, until the whole system is placed under the control 
of an independent State. 

"The minority of your committee has also taken into 
consideration the standing that would be given to our State 
upon its admission into the Union. It is the received opin- 
ion that in Territories, there is less certainty in the laws, 
and less security for persons and property, than in State 
governments. By admission into the Union capital and 
enterprize would be brought into the State, commerce would 
receive an impetus, and new encouragement would be given 
to the agriculturist, and to the mechanic. The amount of 
taxable personal property would be greatly increased, and 
the value of property greatly enhanced. In addition to 
these arguments it may be said that the people, by admis- 
sion, would secure to themselves many and important polit- 
ical privileges. They would then have a right to organize 
their judiciary and fill the offices of the State ivith selections 
from among the citizens of the country." 

"If our citizens wish to enjoy all the rights and privileges 
which appertain to freemen, and give to their Territory the 
attributes of sovereignty; if they wish to enjoy the elective 
franchise ivithout dictation from a superior; and if they 
wish to enact their own laws independent of a supervisory 
power from abroad, they must ask for and obtain admission 
into the Union." 


We have said this much about the former movement in 
relation to a ''Convention" because we were anxious to 
show that it ever has been disconnected with politics, as 
gentlemen holding different political opinions acted to- 
gether on this subject. And such we may add is the case at 

Another feeble effort at opposition to the "Convention", 
has been made by referring to the vote of the people of the 
Territory in 1840, by which it is endeavored to be indirectly 
shown that because the citizens were opposed to a State 
government then, they still hold the same opinion. This 
argument, if it be properly so called, scarcely deserves a 
passing notice. If any one will take the trouble of examin- 
ing the journals they will see that but a small portion of the 
voters felt interested in this question; so lukewarm were 
they that a large and populous district made no return what- 
ever of votes for or against a "Convention". There was no 
excitement on the subject — there was but little effort made 
in favor of and but few objections urged against it. But 
even admitting that the silence of the people was an evidence 
of their opposition to a "Convention" then, does that evi- 
dence in any degree what ought to be their decision in rela- 
tion to our admission two years hence? Why this would be 
to suppose that our young and fertile Territory was in a 
state of torpor and not striding with the steps of a giant 
rapidly onward to greatness and prosperity. But an argu- 
ment of this kind is catching at straws, and is unworthy of 
serious consideration. 

Assuming, then, the position that the "Convention" 
movement was originated with proper motives, and that the 
vote on the subject in 1840 is no evidence of what the people 
should do two years hereafter, and thus removing two argu- 
ments of the opponents of "Convention", let us inquire if 
the people here are competent to take upon them the admin- 


istration of their own affairs. Have they the capacity which 
would enable them to furnish and select ofificers from among 
themselves — in a word are they capable of self govern- 
ment? We are aware that this interrogatory so directly 
propounded might almost be esteemed, and justly too, an 
insult to the intelligence of the people of Iowa, but we are 
induced to believe that an effort, a covert one 'tis true, is 
being made to inculcate this heresy, when we hear it uttered 
from high places, that the citizens of the Territory have **all 
the freedom and all the advantages of the residents in the 
most favored States." This is in effect taking the ground 
that we should never emerge from our present provincial 
dependence, or that our judgments are too callow, our intel- 
lect not sufficiently fledged to enable us to sustain a change 
of government. 

Are the people here minors; or are they afflicted with 
mental imbecility? 

Are they not the same "kith and kin" of those who found- 
ed and sustained the enduring pillars of the Union? Are 
they not full grown men themselves, — nay are they not the 
very best material to form and sustain a substantial, eco- 
nomical, and republican government? There are numbers 
perhaps a majority of our citizens, who have left the neigh- 
boring state; they have there seen the extravagant and 
reckless schemes by which the funds of the people have been 
scattered to the winds. They have suffered themselves by 
this spendthrift improvidence, and they, above all other 
men, are the persons to whom the formation of a cheap and 
amply restricted State Constitution and government might 
be safely confided. And here we might notice that the op- 
ponents of state government frequently point to the bank- 
ruptcy of other states as a warning to us, lest we should 
suffer the same calamities by throwing off our present 
colonial dependence. To this the unanswerable response 


may be given that it is from this very unwise legislation 
that we can and will be forewarned, — that the visionary 
systems of internal improvements in Indiana and Illinois 
are our beacon lights and that the very individuals who 
were loudest and most ardent in the support of these ex- 
ploded schemes, and who consequently have been sadly dis- 
appointed and many almost ruined would be the very best 
pilots to steer us out of similar dangers. Experience, al- 
though sometimes extremely expensive, always furnishes 
the most useful teaching. Again it must be remembered 
that the bankruptcy of these states is the result of the legis- 
lation of a few years past; that such legislation did not 
necessarily follow the formation of a state government, but 
that on the contrary for a long time after their admission 
into the Union, their prosperity and progress to greatness 
and wealth were almost incredible. For the truth of this we 
appeal to their past history. It might be well also to dis- 
pose at present of the objections made by the opponents to a 
Convention", that the "times are too hard", "that money 
is too scarce" to make a change to a state government under 
the provisions of the law above recited. To all this we re- 
ply, that the proper season for effecting this change is at 
hand, now is the time to found an economical government, 
and fix the salaries of the officers under it at rates propor- 
tioned to the "times". What would now be the situation of 
the people of a Territory which had come into the Union in 
1835 or 36, when fictitious money was as plentiful as the 
sands on the sea shore? Its officers would have been al- 
lowed extravagant salaries, every thing would have been 
measured by a standard of prodigality, and at present such 
new state would be utterly impoverished. — Suppose that we 
should delay our application for admission for eight or nine 
years — suppose in the meantime, that the country should 
again, (which heaven forbid,) be covered mid-leg deep with 

VOL. XIV — 27 


bank notes — suppose we should rush into the Union and to 
which course many who now prate about hard times would 
then make no objection; we say in view of all these things, 
what would be the situation of Iowa in a few short years, 
after we had assumed the dignity of a state government? 
Contraction and failure of many of the Banks would take 
place, for they follow expansion as "night the day" — times 
would again grow hard, and then most probably we would 
have an empty treasury and numerous officers with high 
fees. True, these salaries might be reduced, and our ex- 
penses curtailed, but it would be a long, long time, before 
we would be freed from the noxious influence of the spirit 
of extravagance, which an abundance of unreal money 
would beget in our legislation. To a remnant of this feeling 
induced by a plethoric state of the currency we may in part 
ascribe the expenditures of Wisconsin and Iowa for several 
of the past years. The most propitious time, we again as- 
sert, for the foundation of an economical government, is 
when men know and feel the value of money ; when the bank- 
ruptcy of the surrounding states warns us of the causes of 
their ruin ; when speculation has fled away upon bank note 
wings, when industry and frugality are again consuming 
their proper influence amongst us ; when homespun is again 
becoming fashionable, when the simplicity of republicanism 
is daily more apparent in public and private life; when 
probity and integrity, are again acknowledged as virtues 
and when the whole people are again rising to the dignity of 
freemen. That such is the situation of the country at pres- 
ent no one with truth can deny. 

If it cannot be denied, (and we presume no one will be 
hardy enough to attempt it,) that our citizens are competent 
to the administration of their own government, what credit 
for intelligence or patriotism shall we mete out to those who 
aver that "in entering the Union the people themselves 


would directly have but very few privileges more than they 
now possess." It is no privilege to be entitled to cast our 
votes for the Chief Magistrate of the Union? It is no privi- 
lege to be permitted to select our own Governor and other 
officers from among our fellow citizens? Is it no privilege 
to have a stable Constitution formed by our own people, and 
one which our own people alone can alter or amend? A con- 
stitution not to be changed like our present organic law, on 
the mere pleasure of Congress without our interference, a 
constitution restricting the legislation of the country from 
improvident loans and state debts, and all the aggregation 
of evils that flow from a loose unsettled form of government. 
And would not our admission at once give us a character 
abroad which we do not now enjoy? Is it no privilege to be 
fully represented in Congress, where now we have only a 
delegate, who is placed in the humble situation of a mere 
mendicant for congressional favors? We would then de- 
mand and enforce as a right, what we now petition for as a 
bounty. We are now furnishing our proportion towards the 
revenue of the general government by the sums which we 
pay for our salt, sugar, molasses, iron, and many of the oth- 
er necessaries of life, the amount of the tariff on imported 
articles being always paid by the consumer. We are there- 
fore taxed in this way to support the general government; 
we are not represented, and yet are told that there are few 
privileges which we do not possess. Why, it was because 
our fathers would not submit to taxation without represen- 
tation that they, unprepared as they were, incurred the ex- 
penses and horrors of a long harassing war — a war which 
finally terminated in the emancipation of the whole country 
from foreign thralldom. And shall we not esteem it a great, 
a glorious privilege, to be represented in our national coun- 
cils; and can there be so degenerated a son of those noble 
sires who has the unblushing effrontery to say, that there 


are very few privileges which we, not enjoying such repre- 
sentation, do not possess ! If a Territorial government of- 
fers to its citizens "all the freedom and all the advantages 
of the most favored States", why should we ever change it? 
Why should we not continue from year to year the pension- 
ers of the General Government? Why have other states 
come forth from their pupilage and taken upon them the 
right of self government? But it is useless to pursue this 
theme any further ; it is not within the limits of probability 
that there is any one so blind to the permanent interest of 
the Territory who does not know that many important nay 
almost indispensable privileges of freemen, are not enjoyed 
under a Territorial Government. In the foregoing remarks 
we have not included the pecuniary advantages to which we 
would be entitled under a state government, but merely re- 
ferred to those of a political nature — the former we will 
allude to hereafter. 

It is but fair to admit that a majority of those who are 
opposed to a State Government freely confess that there are 
many inducements in favor of a change, but that at present 
we are unable to meet and defray the necessary expendi- 
tures, and therefore that our application for admission 
should be postponed. There was a time even in this country 
when an argument addressed as this is to the meanest pas- 
sion of the human heart would have been condemned, and 
the trifling expenses of a new government would not have 
offered any obstacle to adopting it, when such government 
was productive of additional freedom. The expenses of a 
State government is the grand and only argument of its 
opponents, and they have never ceased to raise the cry of 
"taxation", "taxation", as a bugbear to alarm the timid 
friends of a change from our present state of tutilage. We 
say that the time was when wailings of this kind would have 
failed to effect anything; but the "age of bargaining has 


come", and we must endeavor to show these alarmists that 
even in a pecuniary point of view, we have nothing to lose 
by going into the Union — And first the Anti Convention- 
ists say that our new state will be burdened with sundry 
debts, viz : the expense attendant on the meeting of a Con- 
vention, the arrearages for legislative expenditures, the 
debts due for the work done on the Capitol at Iowa City, 
and the amount owing to persons for labor done and mate- 
rials furnished, on the Penitentiary. And first of the ex- 
penses of a Convention. A memorial was passed by the last 
Legislative Assembly praying Congress for an appropria- 
tion of $20,000 to defray the expenses of this Convention. 
Now this is a very large amount required from the general 
government, and if such appropriation is made we can pos- 
sibly have no objection, but we are assured that $4 or 5000 
would be amply sufficient to cover all the expenditures, but 
if no amount whatever is appropriated by Congress then 
the Delegates elect must be content to defray their own ex- 
penses. Their expenses will not be great, for we may be 
certain that a few weeks will suffice for the formation of a 
Constitution if the time and labor of the delegates are to be 
expended for "the public good". We know that this would 
bring into the field as candidates for Delegate, men who are 
filled with the desire to serve their fellow citizens and not 
those who are stimulated by mercenary motives. There will 
be no difficulty in ever finding men, sufficiently patriotic in 
every county of the Territory to take upon them the honor- 
able and important office of Delegate, "without money and 
without price". There is no law of the Territory author- 
izing the payment of any expenses of the "Convention"; 
and if no appropriation is made by Congress for that pur- 
pose, none of the charges should be paid except the trifling 
amount which would be owing for stationery and clerk hire 
— strike out therefore the expense of a Convention from the 


debts of the State of Iowa. — The excess of Legislative ex- 
penditures over and above the several appropriations made 
by Congress since the organization of the Territory has also 
been blazoned forth as a debt to be paid by the new State : 
The amount of these arrearages it was supposed was 
$13,400. This debt has been liquidated in full by a late act 
of the present Congress appropriating the foregoing amount 
for the payment of the said arrearages. Subsequent to the 
passage of the above mentioned law it was discovered that 
the sum so appropriated fell short of paying all the legisla- 
tive arrearages $1 or 2000. This arose from some error or 
mistake of the proper officer here in making out his state- 
ments, but this small amount can easily be paid by a due 
exercise of economy on the part of the next legislature espe- 
cially, as the number of their officers and pay of such officers 
has been reduced $2,325 each session, (provided they sit the 
whole 75 days allowed by law) less than the expenses of 
former Legislatures, by an act passed at the last session of 
the Legislative Assembly. We may therefore safely assert 
that there will be no debt from the above sum against the 
State of Iowa. 

Prominent in the array of liabilities of the Territory mar- 
shalled by the opponents of ''Convention" stands the ''debt 
created on account of the Capitol" at Iowa City. Let us 
examine this matter briefly. 

From a statement furnished by the late Territorial Agent, 
we find that the amount borrowed from (and yet due) 
to the Dubuque Bank, of moneys expended on the 
Capitol is $5,500 

Certificates, such as referred to in report to the last 
Legislature, outstanding and unpaid, about 3,000 

Other arrearages not presented at date of report say 250 




The above lie adds will not vary fifty dollars from the 
amount of arrearages at the date of my leaving the office of 
Agent', (Feb. 1842.) 

It will be well here to remind our fellow citizens that the 
section of land on which Iowa City was laid out was donated 
by Congress and from the proceeds of the sales of lots in 
that place thus far funds have been supplied for work done 
and materials furnished for the Capitol, and that with the 
amount arising from the future sales it is expected to com- 
plete the building as is shown below. 

The amount of notes given in payment for lots in Iowa 
City remaining unpaid at the date aforesaid was 
about $12,000 

Amount of unsold lots valued at the present minimum 
price which is fifty per cent helow all previous valu- 
ations is $54,200 


Now deduct from this the indebtedness above men- 
tioned namely, 9,000 

Balance $55,0003 
This balance remains to complete the Capitol. That it 
is amply sufficient for that purpose will be seen by 
referring to a report made by the Superintendent of 
Public Buildings at Iowa City to the last Legislative 
Assembly dated "Jan. 5, 1842", in which he states 
that the sum of $33,330.00 will be required to com- 
plete the building. — 

From the above valuation , $55,000 

Deduct this amount 33,330 
And it leaves a balance over and above the whole ex- 
penses of completing the Capitol of $21,670 

Now it will be observed by an examination of the last re- 
cited report that a large amount of the expenses included in 

3 Here, of course, is an error in subtraction; but it is an error to the dis- 
advantage, rather than to the advantage of the argument. 


the above estimate, say $10,000, is to be incurred for build- 
ing the porticos and dome of the Capitol, and "which may 
be dispensed with at present", says the superintendent 
"and added to the building at any future time". Without 
therefore injuring the usefulness of the Capitol, we could, if 
funds were not at hand, delay the finishing of the above 
ornamental portions of it, and thus reduce the amount actu- 
ally required to complete it for all useful purposes to the 
sum of $20 or 25,000. 

It may also be necessary to state here, that we have under- 
stood that Mr. Snyder, the present Superintendent, intends 
to complete the building upon a cheaper plan, than was orig- 
inally contemplated by the former officer, and consequently 
the amount required to finish the Capitol will be yet further 
reduced. To show that the above estimated value of the 
lots, viz : $54,000, remaining undisposed of at the above date, 
is not too high, we may advert to the fact that in May last, a 
sale of Iowa City lots took place under the law reducing the 
price, and that those then sold brought $12,177, their mini- 
mum value being only $10,103. Thus showing to every un- 
prejudiced mind that the lots will furnish a sufficient fund 
to complete the Capitol and leave a handsome sum in the 
Treasury. But [it] will also be proper here to say that the 
sum of only $15,000 is required to put the Capitol in a situ- 
ation for the occupation of the Legislative Assembly, and 
thus for all practical purposes the building will be sufficient- 
ly finished for the present. As soon as convenient we may 
complete it. This sum then ($15,000) or nearly that amount 
is already due the Territory for lots sold in Iowa City; and 
therefore all the alarming calculations of the opponents of 
admission on this point fall to the ground. We conceive that 
they have been particularly unfortunate in referring to this 
subject. Next upon the list of bugbears held out by the 
antagonists of State government, stands the debt due for 


labor performed upon the Penitentiary, &c. at Fort Madi- 
son. Tliis is estimated by the Director in his report at 
about $13,000. A bill has been introduced into Congress 
appropriating the sum of $15,000, for this building, which 
will without doubt become a law. This will pay the above 
debt, and leave a surplus of $2,000, and thus this item of 
indebtedness would be disposed of. But admitting for the 
sake of argument that no such appropriation would be made, 
in what worse situation will we be in regard to this debt 
under the State of Iowa than the Territory of Iowa. If the 
debt is to be liquidated will it be more easily paid by us as a 
Territory than as a State? Will it not be two years before 
we can gain admission into the Union, and may we not dur- 
ing that time memorialize Congress on the subject, and ob- 
tain an appropriation. In view of our application for ad- 
mission the General Government would be more disposed to 
pay this debt, to enable us to come into the Union, than if 
we exhibited no disposition to do so, but remained like an 
overgrown adult in the house of an indulgent parent. And 
again our admission would not prevent us from seeking an 
appropriation from Congress to pay the debts off, and com- 
plete the Penitentiary. It is a great error to suppose that 
Territories alone receive liberal donations of land and 
money from the General Government. The very reverse of 
this is the case ; and if any one will take the trouble to exam- 
ine the appropriations made to Michigan, he will find that 
those which were made to her as a State largely exceed those 
which were made to her as a Territory. There is no def- 
inite time fixed for the payment of the sum so due ; and will 
it not be in the power of the State of Iowa, if Congress 
should not liquidate the amount before we procure admis- 
sion, to say when and [in] what manner the debt shall be 
paid? If the payment was postponed for any length of time 
the sum would be but slightly increased, a little more than 


one half of the above stated amount only bearing an interest 
of six per centum per annum, and the remaining portion no 
interest whatever. We contend however that even if the 
appropriation which we have referred to, should not be 
made, yet the Penitentiary debt ought not to present any 
obstacle to application for admission, because we will be 
placed in no worse situation for paying it by going into the 
Union than we are at present. It has been said that the 
Penitentiary would require to be finished by the State of 
Iowa. Now this objection evinces how hard pressed the op- 
ponents of admission are for argument, but it is just that 
they should be treated fairly. If Iowa looks to the General 
Grovernment to complete her Penitentiary, the fact of going 
into the Union will not change the result. If, on the other 
hand, Iowa intends to finish the building without the aid of 
Congress it can be done at any future time when it is found 
practicable. "We say it can be done at any future time, be- 
cause the Penitentiary is at present prepared to receive and 
safe keep convicts. These convicts are of but little expense 
to the territory, and we are assured by the Warden, that the 
labor of ten or twelve prisoners would be sufficient to pay 
for their guarding, clothing and boarding. The Penitenti- 
ary therefore may be used as a prison for years to come 
without any additional work being done on the building. 
The amount necessary to finish it may not be required (even 
if Congress should not appropriate a sufficient sum to finish 
it) until we may number 2 or 300,000 inhabitants. We have 
said more perhaps than was necessary about the completion 
of the Penitentiary and Capitol, because we believe that the 
very fact of having two such massive and well constructed 
buildings, but half completed, if you please, is an argument 
which goes rather to show our readiness for admission than 
otherwise. We say this because nearly all the other States, 
many with a less population than we will have two years 


hence, went into the Union without a single dollar being 
appropriated by the General Government for their public 
buildings, whilst we have had appropriations sufficient to 
half finish^ at least, our Penitentiary, and a grant of land 
abundantly ample to complete our Capitol. Who can deny 
that we are not in advance of the other Territories hereto- 
fore admitted, so far as public buildings are concerned? 

But the chief and most frequently repeated argument of 
the opponents of a Convention is the annual expense of a 
State government, which the people of the State of Iowa 
will be required to pay, whereas the expense of the Terri- 
torial Government is now defrayed out of the National 
Treasury. This, we believe, is the length and breadth of 
this objection to admission. It will first be necessary to de- 
fine as nearly as practicable the expense of a State Govern- 
ment. And here we will just say, that it is not of any im- 
portance to this argument to know what the General Gov- 
ernment now appropriates annually for our expenses, for 
we have no doubt that we could manage to expend $100,000 
provided we did not furnish the money ourselves. We men- 
tion this because the friends of a Territorial Government 
always fortify themselves behind the annual appropriation 
made by Congress for our expenses, and the $10,000 paid to 
our juries by the Marshal of the United States. Now we 
repeat that with these things we have nothing to do, because 
the friends and opponents of admission do not disagree as to 
the amount which we will of course receive from the Gen- 
eral Government on going into the Union, but as to the 
amount which will keep the wheels of the State going, and 
how that amount is to be raised. Our inquiry, therefore, 
should be, how much money will it require to sustain a gov- 
ernment, when that money comes out of your own pockets? 
If we can show that the people of Iowa are able, without 
oppressing themselves, to pay the expenses of a State Gov- 


eminent, there is no one, we are confident, so mercenary, or 
if so, he will not avow it, as to oppose our admission into the 
Union as a sovereign State, notwithstanding we might be in 
the receipt of $150,000 per annum from the General Gov- 
ernment to pay our expenses. In illustration of this posi- 
tion, suppose that Iowa was now a sovereign State, and 
competent to defray the annual expenses of such state gov- 
ernment, would the people exchange their privileges as a 
State, and go hack to Territorial dependence for $500,000 
per annum? We feel confident that they would not. It is, 
therefore, we repeat, unimportant to all argument to know 
the amount necessary to defray our expenses when in the 
Union, and our resources for so doing. 

The expenses of a state government have been variously 
estimated. The maximum amount which we have seen is 
$37,503 per annum. As this is a statement given by an op- 
ponent of admission, we will annex the items of the sum and 

then scan and examine them. 

Governor with a salary of $ 1,500 

Secretary of State, 1,000 

Six Judges, aggregate, 6,000 

Attorney General, 800 

Auditor of Public Accounts, 800 

State Treasurer, 600 

A Legislature of 75 members, annual sitting three 
months, including per diem mileage of members, and 
incidental expenses, 28,803 

Total, $37,503 

Now this it will be remembered is the statement of an 
opponent to admission, and we may be assured his estimate 
is as high as he could conveniently make it. That it is much 
too great will be seen at a glance. For instance, he sets down 
the salary of the Governor at $1,500 when every man knows 
that $1,000 would be ample compensation. It is as much, 


nay more, than many of the States give their Chief Magis- 
trate, and will enable any one with economy to support his 
family. $800 will be largely sufficient for the services of the 
Secretary of State. It is a matter of great doubt whether 
the State of Iowa will immediately require the services of 
six Judges; but admitting for the sake of argument, that 
that number will be requisite, we think that their salaries^ 
$1,000 per annum, is not extravagant. The office of Attor- 
ney General is most frequently a mere sinecure, and might 
be dispensed with altogether. If it is thought best to retain 
it $400 is as much as his services per annum will be worth. 
Auditor of Public Accounts $700, and Treasurer may stand 
as it is. We have heretofore found that the present number 
of members of the Legislature, (to wit: 39) was sufficiently 
large to transact the business of the Territory, and we do 
not believe that the State, for some time at least, will re- 
quire an increase of members. However to be liberal, we 
will put down 60. The duration of the session should not 
exceed, generally, 60 days per annum, as every one who has 
been a member of the Legislature, especially, well knows. 
To be more economical we might have biennial sessions, as; 
in the State of Illinois, and then the expense would be re- 
duced one half. Let us recapitulate our statement. 

Governor, with, a salary of $ 1,000 

Secretary of State, 800 

Six Judges, 6,000 

Attorney General, 400 

Auditor, 700 

Treasurer, 600 

A Legislature of 60 members with annual sittings of 60 

days, at $3 per diem, 10,800 

Mileage, incidental, and all other expenses, 10,000 

Total, $30,300* 

* As a matter of fact the salaries of State officers and the compensation of 
members of the General Assembly as fixed by the Constitution of 1846 were 
even lower than those suggested in this estimate. — See Constitution of Iowa of 


The above we believe to be a very liberal estimate, and we 
are confident that the state government could be sustained 
with an expense not greater than the foregoing. 

Having fixed the annual expense of the state of Iowa, and 
admitting noiv, for the sake of argument, that it will be 
necessary to raise the whole sum by taxation — let us in- 
quire into what the capacity and resources of Iowa mil be, 
two years hence, the date of our anticipated admission, to 
pay the above sum of $30,300 annually. To do this, it is 
necessary that we should come to some conclusion in rela- 
tion to the population that the new state will have, at the 
time of coming into the Union. It will be recollected that 
when the census was taken in 1836, Iowa had only 12,000 
inhabitants. Two years afterwards, (in 1838,) she num- 
bered 22,000 ; and in 1840 there were 43,000 persons within 
its territory, thus nearly doubling the population every two 

Take the same increase in amount, and which is the low- 
est estimate which should be made, and it would give us 
during the present summer 64 or 65,000 inhabitants, and 
"two years hence" we will have, by the same proportion of 
increase, the number of 85,000 inhabitants.^ 

It will be found that the foregoing calculation is based 
upon the increase of population in amount alone, and not in 
proportion to the former increase, which would be the prop- 
er mode of computation, and by which we would add greatly 
to our numbers ; and upon admission into the Union, at the 
time before mentioned, we would have a population largely 
over 100,000 inhabitants. 

It may be proper here to say that to judge by the past, the 
increase in population in Iowa will be in greater proportion 

1846, Art. IV, Sees. 25, 34, in Shambaugh's Documentary Material delating to 
the History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 198, 200. 

6 This estimate was not much too optimistic, for the population of the Terri- 
tory in 1844 was 75,152. 


after admission, than previous to that period. This, at 
least, has been the history of the "Western States. And this 
increased immigration is another potent inducement for us 
to hurry into the Union. This influx of immigration is 
doubtless caused by the belief that the laws are more stable 
in a State than in a Territory, and that property is more 
secure under the former than the latter. In connection with 
this subject of population we here give the statement of the 
increase of inhabitants in several States, furnished by a 
friend who has fully examined the subject. 

"It is a curious matter of history to review the progress 
of population in the west, and observe the effect which a 
permanency in the laws and a fixed system of government 
has upon the increase and growth of the States, by compari- 
son with the slower growth of the same country under the 
loose, unsettled and uncertain form of a Territorial Gov- 
ernment. The following statement, from authentic sources, 
will give an idea of this increase, and will also show, at the 

same time, the relative numbers at the time of admission of 
each of them: 

In 1790, Tennessee came into the Union with 77,262 

In 1800, the population had increased 28,340 

In 1790, Kentucky contained 73,677 
She was separated from Virginia in that year and ad- 
mitted into the Union in 1792 

In 1800, the population was 220,959 

In 1800, Ohio had 45,365 

Was made a State in 1802 ; in 1810 had 230,000 

In 1815, Indiana had 60,000 

In 1817 was made a State— in 1820 had 147,000 

In 1817, Illinois was made a State, with 55,000 

In 1830, the population was 157,575 

In 1821, Missouri came in, with 45,000 

In 1830, the population was 140,455 

In 1834, Michigan had 84,000 

Was made a State in 1836— in 1837, had 175,000 


In 1817, Mississippi came in with a little more than the 

requisite number. 
In 1820, she had 
In 1830, she had 


Looking, therefore, to the foregoing statement, and ob- 
serving the embarrassed situation of our neighboring 
States, and the fact that the fertility of the soil and salu- 
brity of the climate of Iowa, is rapidly being known 
throughout the Union, we may without hesitation assert that 
in the summer of 1844, we will have a population of 100,000 
or 150,000 inhabitants, a greater number than the States of 
Tennessee, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana, and Mississippi had 
when they were admitted into the Union, and a larger num- 
ber of inhabitants than Delaware or Arkansas has at the 
present time. 

It must also be remembered that our admission will bring 
into the country a more wealthy class of citizens than we 
have at present ; men who have heretofore felt timid about 
entrusting their property in a Territory, and thus will the 
actual wealth of the country be greatly increased. We do 
not use this language in an invidious sense, for we know 
that there is no more honest and industrious people than the 
citizens of Iowa ; but it is known to every one that the pio- 
neers of a country, although hardy and persevering, are gen- 
erally in moderate circumstances, and less loth to share the 
payment of taxes than their more affluent and less adven- 
turous countrymen. So much for our population on ad- 

It is proper that we should also briefly allude to the re- 
sources of Iowa, by which the abilities of the people to pay 
the expenses of a State Government will be apparent. This 
we confess it will be difficult to do with any accuracy. 

The population figures in these tables are approximately correct. The dates 
for the admission of Tennessee, Indiana, and Illinois should be 1796, 1816, and 
1818 respectively. 


The surplus produce of Iowa — an infallible evidence of 
wealth — has been increasing almost beyond belief every 
year. The exports from Burlington alone in 1841, were 410 
tons, and the probable amount for the present year will not 
be far removed from 600 tons. The different kinds of pro- 
duce so exported are as follows: pork, bacon, beef, lard, 
wheat, flour, corn, oats, whiskey, live hogs, hides and furs, 
potatoes, beans and flaxseed. This produce was from Des 
Moines, Henry, and a part of Jefferson, Washington and 
Louisa counties. From Fort Madison, Montrose and Keo- 
kuck, not less than 600 tons have been exported during the 
past and present years. Skunk river has floated down large 
quantities of corn, wheat, flour and pork. The produce of 
Van Buren, collected principally at Farmington and Keo- 
sauqua, was carried down the Des Moines river, and the 
amount of which we have not been able to ascertain. The 
counties bordering on the Iowa and Cedar rivers, annually 
send off many boat loads of pork, corn, &c. The towns of 
Bloomington, Rockingham, Davenport and Dubuque, are all 
made depositories for large quantities of produce. Down 
every river, from every village and hamlet in Iowa, are the 
products of the soil poured to the Mississippi. 

It is impossible for us to say what is the aggregate quan- 
tity exported in the Territory, but from the amount shipped 
from Burlington alone, and the anticipated increase in one 
year, some estimate may be made of the amount raised in 
the whole Territory, and what will be the probable increase 
two years hence when we come into the Union 1 We are well 
aware that the low prices realized for produce in the south- 
ern market have made no money this year for our farmers 
but the prospect of the opening of the British ports to our 
provisions, by the new English tariff which has ere this be- 
come a law, will have a powerful influence on the buoyancy 
of the markets and the increase of prices — Our agricultur- 

voL. XIV — 28 


alists will also in the mean time have turned their attention 
from the raising of corn and pork, in which they are now 
too much engaged, and add to their former productions 
hemp, tobacco, wool, tame grapes and many other crops 
which will amply reward the toil of the husbandman. Who 
can tell how abounding in surplus produce of all varieties 
will Iowa be two years hence, if her farmers progress in 
improvement as they have done for the time past ! But the 
wealth of our Territory is not confined to the surface, but is 
also deep hid in the bosom of the earth. Dubuque and many 
of the other northern counties are not only rich in extensive 
fields of grain, but produce annually immense quantities of 
lead from their inexhaustible mines. We regret that we 
have not in our possession any accurate statistical informa- 
tion on this subject. All that we can say is, that in addition 
to the mines now worked every day are new discoveries of 
rich lodes being made which promise to render that portion 
of the country the richest mineral region in the world. But 
the mineral wealth of Iowa is not confined to lead alone. 
Dr. Owen, in his geological report,'^ says that there is a suf- 
ficient quantity of zinc ore in this Territory and Wisconsin 
to supply the whole U. States, and also for exportation. 
Iron ore. Dr. 0. reports, is found in Iowa ' ' of excellent qual- 
ity and in unlimited abundance. ' ' He thinks that near the 
Maquoketa a sufficient quantity *'of iron ore could be found 
on the surface alone to supply several iron furnaces for 
years to come." He adds that ''more encouraging or more 
numerous surface indications of an abundant supply of this 
useful metal (iron) can hardly offer themselves to the notice 
of the geologist." Two years will not elapse until enter- 
prize and industry will reap a rich reward from the zinc 

T This was doubtless Owen's report of his geological exploration in Iowa, 
Wisconsin, and Illinois made in 1839, which may be found in House Executive 
Documents, 1st Sess., 26th Congress, No. 239. 


and iron mines of Iowa. In view, therefore, of these ample 
resources, and the prospect of their certain increase, shall 
we be told that a population of one hundred thousand, or 
more, inhabitants will be oppressed by a tax of 30,000 per 
annum? And here it might not be improper to add, that 
such taxation would be further lightened by being levied 
in part upon the real estate of non-residents not inhabited 
or cultivated, and which comprizes about the one twentieth 
of the land in the Territory. 

It will be remembered that we admitted for the sake of 
argument the fact that the taxes would be increased on our 
admission into the Union as a State over what they aee at 
PRESENT. We contend, however, and will endeavor to prove 
that our taxes for county and state revenue will not when 
we are admitted, be greater than those which we are now 
paying and have been paying for several years past; and 
for this we are indebted to the economical legislation of the 
last Legislative Assembly. We will strive to show as nearly 
as practicable what reduction has been directly and indirect- 
ly made in the present taxes of the people. This reduction 
takes effect fully in the month of August next. 

There are, we believe, eighteen organized counties in the 
Territory. Five of them, we assume, levy $5000 each an- 
nually for county and territorial revenue, making $25,000. 
Eight raise $3,000 per annum, amounting to $24,000; and 
the remaining five about $2,000 each year, being $10,000. 
The sum total of the above is $59,000. This is not a high 
estimate, for we are aware that several of the large and 
populous counties of the Territory have frequently raised 
$6,000 revenue per annum ; and all know that the expense of 
a small and sparsely settled county is in proportion to the 
population greater than those of a larger one, the number 
of officers and the machinery of its government being the 
same. We think, therefore, that 60,000 may be put down as 


a low estimate of the amount of county and Territorial rev- 
enue raised by the several counties of the Territory, an- 
nually. Now heretofore the people have not been oppressed 
or felt burdened with taxes, and we assert that we can ap- 
prove [prove] that if we are admitted into the Union as a 
State even during the present season our taxes would not 
be greater than they have been for several past years, the 
reduction of county and Territorial expenses throughout 
the Territory being at least 30 or 40,000 dollars each year, 
under the law of the last Legislative Assembly. This sum 
to wit : 30,000 dollars, we have before clearly shown, is suf- 
ficient to defray the charges of a State Government. In 
order to go partially into the detail we will take for an ex- 
ample one of the largest counties in the Territory. In this 
the assessment roll has not varied much from 5 or 6,000 
dollars annually. Of this amount probably all was collected 
except the sum of 5 or 600 dollars. Now the fees which have 
been allowed in this same county to petit jurors in a single 
year out of the taxes collected off the people, and which are 
not under the present laws to be paid out of the county or 
Territorial treasury, were 400 dollars. Grand juries were 
annually entitled to about 400 dollars. From this deduct 
one third under the new law and it shows a saving of 130 
dollars to the county yearly. The Clerk of the District 
Court has received out of the county treasury in one year 
in said county the sum of 350 dollars for services for which 
under the reforming act of the legislature he will be en- 
titled to 30 dollars. The sheriff annually has been in the 
receipt of about 450 dollars from the same source in cases 
where he will hereafter be entitled to only 30 dollars. The 
sheriff being ex-ofificio collector of the county revenue was 
allowed by the law now in force 7 per cent for collection; he 
will be entitled under the new law for similar services to an 
average of 4 per centum. This, in the county we have re- 


ferred to would be an annual saving of 3 per cent, in col- 
lecting. This on the amount above mentioned — 5,500 
dollars — would be 165 dollars. In addition to this it will be 
recollected that the county revenue after the foregoing re- 
duction takes effect will necessarily be of small amount and 
the charges of the collector much less than they are at pres- 
ent. There are miscellaneous services which the sheriff 
performs, and for which frequently large sums have been 
allowed by the county commissioners, but which are now 
restricted to a maximum of 50 dollars per annum. In the 
county before mentioned 300 dollars and upwards have 
been paid out of the county revenue in one year to the 
Judges and Clerks of the elections. — This amount will be 
now saved because those duties under the new laws are im- 
posed on the trustees of the several townships, and for 
which no compensation is authorized. The county commis- 
sioners are so restricted by the new act relating to their 
courts in the number and duration of their sessions general 
and special, and their pay, that 100 dollars at least per an- 
num will be cut off from the former expenses. The item, 
too, of "miscellaneous expenditures" — that vortex which 
has heretofore swallowed up so great a portion of county 
revenue, will be heard of no longer. Every item of expend- 
iture must be set forth and published. A sum as great as 
400 dollars has been allowed in a single year to the county 
commissioners ' clerk ; but by the provisions of the new stat- 
ute stating the exact amount he shall be entitled to for the 
duties he performs 200 dollars will be saved to the county 
treasury annually. The sum of 450 dollars has been paid 
out in one year to Justices of the Peace and Constables in 
criminal cases. This amount, which came out of the taxes 
of the people, will no longer be allowed after August next. 
These officers are entitled to no fees out of the county rev- 
enue except in cases where the officer goes out of his county 


to arrest a prisoner. For this saving we may set down 400 
dollars. The sums which the county has frequently paid 
for witnesses fees in criminal cases have been very great — 
400 per annum would be a fair average amount. These, the 
law before recited provides, shall not be paid by the county. 

There are many other items of expenditure out of the 
treasury of the county saved by the late laws, but which to 
examine would require too much time. — Those who desire 
full information on the subject may obtain it by referring to 
the acts passed by the last Legislative Assembly, and more 
especially examining the one relative to "costs and fees."^ 

Let us now recapitulate our statements, and see how much 
is saved annually to the county treasury of the county we 

before referred to. 

Petit Jurors $400.00 

Grand do. 130.00 

Clerks' fees 320.00 

Sheriffs' do. 420.00 

Sheriffs' do. as collector 165.00 

Judges and Clerks of Elections 300.00 

County Commissioners 100.00 

Clerk 200.00 
Justices and Constables fees in criminal cases paid by 

county 400.00 

"Witnesses in same paid as above 400.00 

Total $2835.00 

From the foregoing statement, we may confidently assert, 
taking into consideration the reduction of other expend- 
itures not here mentioned, that the saving annually to the 
county referred to, will not vary much from 3,000 dollars — 
being one half of the whole amount of former assessments. 

8 Laivs of the Territory of loica, 1841-1842, pp. 51-56 . See also pp. 80, 81, 
116—118 for laws providing for a reduction in the expenses of the Territorial 


For proof tliat the foregoing calculation is substantially 
correct, we call the attention of our fellow citizens to the 
laws above recited, and the records of the District and 
County Commissioners courts of the several large counties 
of the Territory. Now it is fair to say that the expenses of 
other counties will be reduced in proportion to those of the 
county to which reference has been made, to wit : — one half, 
and therefore estimating the whole amount of assessment in 
Iowa at 60,000 dollars per annum, we will have under the 
new laws a reduction of 30,000 dollars each year — a sum 
sufficient, as we have before stated, to support a State Gov- 
ernment. Thus we think, we have shown that even if ad- 
mitted into the Union during the present year, we would 
with our present population, be enabled to raise the reve- 
nues necessary for a state government, without increasing 
the taxes which we have been paying for years past without 
complaint. If this be so, how much more able and competent 
will we be, with the number of inhabitants Iowa will contain 
two years hence to defray all the requisite expenses after 
our admission into the Union ? 

It will be observed that in the foregoing statement, we 
have only alluded to sums paid out of the county treasury, 
and which consequently came directly off the people. The 
citizens of this Territory have heretofore been taxed enor- 
mously in the shape of officer's fees. These the last Legis- 
lature have largely reduced. — We will show how great this 
reduction is as an evidence of the ability of the people now 
to raise revenue by their having for years past paid large 
sums to the ministerial officers of the courts and others, and 
which they hereafter will not be required to do. We will 
again refer to the county before alluded to. In this county, 
the fees which the Clerk of the district court received from 
individual suitors, who compose the great body of tax pay- 
ers, have been almost $15 or $1600 annually. This sum 


under the new law is reduced at least $700 per annum. The 
Sheriff's fees in the same county have been worth $1800 or 
$2000, and from this deduct 40 per cent, and it makes a 
change in the amount in one year of $800 ; so that in these 
two offices we have a reduction of 15 or 1600 dollars annually 
in one county in taxes paid indirectly by the people. But 
these are not the only officers whose fees have been reduced. 
The fees of Coroners, Masters in Chancery, Justices of the 
Peace, Constables, Notaries Public, Judges of Probate and 
County Surveyors, have all been lowered at least 30 per 
cent, less than formerly allowed. About these offices, of 
course it is impossible to make any calculation. We cannot 
believe that it would be too high an estimate, were we to say 
4 or 5000 dollars thus paid by citizens annually were cut off 
from their expenses in the county before mentioned. From 
the foregoing, some idea may be formed of the aggregate 
amount saved each year to individuals by the provisions of 
the new laws, and thus exhibit the means of the people, even 
at present to support a State Grovernment, and foreshow 
what their abundant resources will be two years hence. We 
contend, further, in connection with this subject, that the 
laws passed by the last Legislative Assembly, and before 
referred to, were but the commencement of economy, and 
that county expenses may be yet further diminished. As an 
evidence that the fees prescribed by the late laws are not too 
low, we observe that many of those who held office under 
the high fee system are candidates again for similar places 
under the low fee laws. Now we are aware that it will be 
asserted by the opponents of a Convention, that as the re- 
duction of the direct and indirect expenses of the people 
will be similar under a State Government, it would be well 
for them to remain free from the payment of the former 
high fees, &c., and the expense of a State Government also. 
This is a fitting and proper argument to be directed to men 



who have no desire at all for political freedom, and would 
he as cogent when we have 300,000 inhabitants as at present. 
The true question to he propounded is this : — can the peo- 
ple of Iowa take upon them the expenses of a State Govern- 
ment two years hence without feeling that such expenses 
are oppressive? We have, in the foregoing statements, en- 
deavored to show that [they] can, because they have been 
paying for several years past, without being burdened, taxes 
as high and perhaps higher than will be levied under a 
State Government. The man who is fully satisfied with this 
argument must have some sinister motives impelling him to 
a contrary course, or he is one who will ever be opposed to 
a State Government, and is deeply enamoured with our 
present situation of colonial dependence. 

The distribution act of the last session of Congress, if not 
repealed, or the distribution under it suspended, promise [s] 
some pecuniary advantages to Iowa after admission into 
the Union. Let us inquire how far such promises will prob- 
ably be realized. This act provides that several of the 
"Western and South Western States shall receive "over and 
above what each of said States is entitled to by the terms 
of the compact entered into between them and the United 
States, upon their admission into the Union, the sum of ten 
per centum upon the nett proceeds of the sales of the public 
lands which shall be made within the limits of each of said 
States respectively." By the provisions of the 5th Section 
of said act, any new State may receive the proportion of the 
proceeds of sales of public lands after their admission to 
which such State shall be entitled upon the principles of the 
act aforesaid. Under this act also, when, after deducting 
the ten per cent, aforesaid, sundry expenses are paid out of 
the proceeds of the sales aforesaid, the net proceeds are to 
be divided among the States and Territories according to 
their respective federal representative population. This 


amount we receive as well while a Territory as after our 
admission into the Union as a State. 

Now, provided the above recited act shall not be repealed, 
or the distribution under it suspended until our admission 
into the Union, Iowa will receive from the ten per cent, fund, 
at a low estimate about 10,00 [0] per annum. This calcula- 
tion is based upon the assumption that no new purchase will 
be made from the Indians, and therefore that only 100,000 
dollars worth of lands will be disposed in the Territory an- 
nually after Iowa becomes a State. If a new purchase 
should be effected, and which is most probable, it would not 
be too high to say that 250,000 dollars worth of land would 
be sold in the Territory annually for six or seven years 
after it come into market. Ten per cent on this amount 
would yield 25,000 annually. The amount which we now, 
and will after our admission, receive according to our fed- 
eral representative population, in common with all the 
states, on the above sums, to-wit, 100,000 and 250,000, would 
amount from 2,000 to 6,000 per annum. The amount thus 
due to the Territory for 1841 has been estimated at 2,375, 
and is payable to the Territory on the 1st of the present 
month. By act of the last legislative assembly the Treas- 
urer of the Territory is authorized to receive the same. 

The act above referred to further provides that each new 
State, on admission, shall receive the munificent donation of 
500,000 acres of land for internal improvements. Lands 
might be selected even at present to make out the above 
amount worth at least 2 50 per acre. If a purchase of coun- 
try was made from the Indians, the selected lands would be 
worth 3 50 per acre. This shows the great importance of 
gaining admission at an early date in order that we may 
have an opportunity of selecting the choice lands of any new 
purchase which may be made, and thus add 500,000, at least 
to the resources of the new State for internal improvements. 


Now we are aware that it may be contended that we will re- 
ceive the above mentioned 500,000 acres at any future day 
on our admission into the Union. This may be true, but are 
we not every day losing the use of this magnificent fund? 
Let us endeavor to make a practical illustration of our an- 
nual loss on this fund by not going [into] the Union and 
consequently not having it under our control. 

500 000 acres of land at $3 50 [$2.50] per acre $1,250,000 


This amount at 3 per cent per annum $37,500,00 

Thus we see that by a moderate estimate we decline to 
receive at least 37,000 every year we stay out of the Union. 

It is but fair to say however that there is a possibility 
that the Distribution Act will soon be either repealed or its. 
operation suspended, many of the statesmen of the country 
esteeming it only as a means of distributing money to the 
same people from whom the same amount is collected in the 
shape of prices paid for articles of consumption, adding 
thereto the fees for such collection. Others are desirous, 
that the proceeds of the sales of the public lands shall be 
retained in the national treasury for the payments, so far 
as they may go, of the national debt, which has recently 
accrued. It is very probable, too, that the duty on imports 
will soon be raised higher than 20 per cent at which time^ 
and in which event the distribution under the above named 
law ceases. On the other hand it may be said that a power- 
ful party are determined to sustain the law and repeal the 
section suspending its operation. There is one thing cer- 
tain, that if the act is repealed, Iowa will, on admission, re- 
ceive the 500,000 acres of land for internal improvements. 
Missouri and Illinois are selecting or have selected their 
lands under the act aforesaid, and we presume Congress will 
not extend more partiality to one State than to another. 


We may therefore say that the only certain benefit which 
Iowa will receive under the law above recited is the 500,000 
acres of land for internal improvements, and the use of 
which we are daily losing. 

The control and use of the school lands it has been fre- 
quently and well said were great inducements for our ad- 
mission into the Union. No system of common schools can 
go into healthful operation without a competent and sub- 
stantial fund. We know it has been contended that common 
schools might be established under our present government, 
but a refutation is given to this assertion by the fact that 
although we have a law upon that subject, yet it has re- 
mained perfectly dead among our statutes. So well satis- 
fied were the legislative assembly, too, of this fact that they, 
at the last session, abolished the office of Superintendant of 
Common Schools, and would, if it had been proposed, re- 
pealed the whole law upon the subject. The repeal of the 
statute providing for appointment of a Superintendant took 
place not on account of any objection to the officer, who was 
acknowledged by all to be competent and indefatigable in 
the discharge of his duties, but because the want of funds 
suspended the vitality of the system. The whole amount of 
school lands within the surveyed portion of the Territory is 
about 200 000 acres — two thirds of which are of the first 
quality. The whole is worth an average price of $2 per acre 
— making a school fund within our present limits of 
$400 000. Now, as we before observed in relation to the 
lands appropriated to the States under the distribution act, 
we admit that Iowa will be entitled to this amount of school 
lands at any future time, on admission into the Union but 
the use the benefit, arising from the sales, the rentals, &c., 
of these lands are lost to us as a Territory. Perhaps it 
would be going too far to say that we would receive any in- 
come from the above source for a year or two after admis- 


sion — but it is certain, that every day we remain out of the 
Union so much the further in advance is placed the term 
when the benefits arising from the school lands will be real- 
ized. We said that the school lands of Iowa at present 
might be valued at $400 000. Now it is a fair argument to 
say that the use of this amount is worth 3 per cent, per an- 
num, which would give a yearly interest of $12 000, of which 
we now are annually deprived. This, we know, is a very 
low estimate, but it would be a sufficient sum to constitute a 
nucleus for a permanent school fund, and would give life 
and activity to our present dormant system. Another esti- 
mate on this subject, much higher than the one which we 
have given, has been handed to us, but as it is from a gentle- 
man who has fully examined the subjects, we here insert it. 
"The average worth of the 200 000 acres of school lands 
would at the end of two years from this time (the date of our 
anticipated admission) be not less than $2 50 per acre, or 
$500,000 in all. The amount would be all the while increas- 
ing with our successive acquisitions of Indian lands. This 
money might be made to produce a nett income of at least 
12 per cent, or $60,000 per annum — twice the annual cost 
of a State Grovernment. Now the number of children in the 
Territory at the last census between the ages of five and 
fifteen years was 5,000, or less than 14 per cent of the whole 
population. At the time of our admission two years hence, 
our population being over 100,000, we shall probably have 
14,000 or upwards between those ages within the limits of 
the Territory. Suppose them to number 15,000. The inter- 
est on the school fund will then amount to four dollars each 
— sufficient under a proper school organization, to afford 
the means of instruction to every child in the Territory for 
the period of ten years." 

None will hesitate to acknowledge the invaluable benefits 
flowing from common schools. The College and academy, 


where the higher branches of learning are taught, fall far 
below the importance of that humble though more potent 
means of disseminating knowledge — the common school. 
The one, like the majestic river administering to the wealth 
and prosperity of one portion of the country, would soon 
fail if it were not for the innumerable rivulets — the com- 
mon schools — which swell its waters, and, like the rains of 
heaven, irrigate alike the fields of the rich and the poor. 

The several States on admission into the Union, have re- 
ceived by special compact with the United States, five per 
cent, of the proceeds of the lands sold within their limits. 
This, on $250,000, the amount we have supposed would be 
realized if an Indian purchase was made, would be about 
$12,000. This fund has heretofore been applied, by the com- 
pact above mentioned, to internal improvements and school 
purposes. As the 500,000 acres of land which Iowa will re- 
ceive under the distribution act would be amply sufficient, if 
properly managed, for internal improvements, the portion 
of the said fund heretofore used for internal improvements, 
might be made subject to the control of the legislature of 
the State, and applied to the payment of the government 
expenses. The use of this fund we are also losing by re- 
maining a Territory. It will be remembered, too, that even 
if the whole five per cent, fund should be applied to the im- 
provement of roads, bridges &c. it will, so far as it goes, 
lighten the road taxes of the people, and thus render them 
more able to pay taxes for the support of a State govern- 
ment, if requisite. It has been contended by some of the 
opponents of a State government that the five per cent, fund 
was given to the States on condition that the lands sold 
within such States should not be taxed for five years after 
their sale to individuals, and that thus the amount of tax- 
able property in the Territory would not be very great for 
that period. Missouri is pointed to as an example of this 


fact. Now this argument was evidently used by one who 
did not understand the subject. Lands were exempted 
from taxation for five years after their entry at the land 
offices in Missouri, Illinois and Indiana, because at the time 
when those States came into the Union, the public domain 
was sold on a credit and the money was required to be paid 
in installments, which could not be accomplished in less 
than five years. In the event of any such instalment becom- 
ing due and remaining unpaid the land reverted to the 
United States. Of course therefore the general government 
made provision for the nontaxation of lands which might 
probably again become its property. This credit system 
was abolished twenty years ago, and the reason having 
ceased a similar enactment has never been made admitting 
States since that time. Neither Arkansas nor Michigan 
exempts land from taxation — but in both those States it is 
subject to pay taxes from date of sale. 

To go into a detailed examination of the liberal donations 
made to the several States upon admission, and the use of 
which we are now daily deprived, would lengthen this ad- 
dress already too much extended. Those who feel, as every 
citizen should, an interest in this subject, can refer to the 
acts of Congress admitting Michigan, Arkansas, &c. into 
the Union, and satisfy themselves on this subject. 

We have spoken at some length on the mere pecuniary 
advantages which would result to Iowa after admission. 
There are other benefits which would flow from a State 
organization much greater, and we deem them of higher 
importance than all others. These we are compelled, for 
the sake of brevity, merely to refer to. The character of 
the State abroad — the weight and influence of our repre- 
sentation in Congress — would be greatly increased by ad- 
mission. This influence is of the greatest importance to us 
at the present time. It would aid us to effect a new pur- 


chase of Indian lands. It would aid us to procure an appro- 
priation to improve the navigation of the Mississippi over 
or around the Rapids, by canal or otherwise. It would aid 
us in effecting a permanent settlement of our southern 
boundary question. It would aid us in placing under the 
immediate control of the State Government all conflicting 
claims of boundary and title. It is impossible in a single 
address to refer particularly to all the advantages of a 
State, and the disadvantages of a Territorial government. 
A single illustration will prove the great hardships the peo- 
ple have to suffer under the present organic law. This law 
fixes the jurisdiction of justices of the peace at a maximum, 
of 50 dollars. The legislative assembly has petitioned Con- 
gress again and again, for the extension of this jurisdiction 
but in vain — The people are still compelled to bear all the 
expense of a suit in the District Court where their demand 
is over the sum of fifty dollars. From this single instance, 
learn all. 

We have confined ourselves to an argument in favor of a 
State government two years hence, but we must not forget 
to state that if the people one year hence are dissatisfied 
with the Constitution adopted by the Convention, provided 
one should be called, and become convinced that it would be 
well to defer the application for admission, they can then 
vote against the Constitution and reject it. 

Some of the counties of the Territory may not be so far 
advanced in wealth and prosperity as others, and may there- 
fore feel disposed to oppose our admission — but if they 
can be assured that a large majority of our citizens, which 
is the fact, will be benefited by the change, they should not 
hesitate to give in their support. They should remember 
that our interests are the same, and that to use the beautiful 
language of another, ''though divided as the billows, we are 
one as the sea." 


We have now arrived at the conclusion of our address, 
and we earnestly entreat our fellow citizens that they give 
the important question which they will be called upon to de- 
cide in August next a thorough investigation — and we 
know they will go unanimously for — ' ' convention ' ' 

Sundry Tax Payers. 

VOL. XIV — 29 


The Life of George Augustus Gates. By Isabel Smith Gates. 
Boston: The Pilgrim Press. 1915. Pp. xii, 78. Portraits. This 
little volume will receive a warm welcome from hundreds of the 
former students and associates of President Gates in the three edu- 
cational institutions over which he presided. His longest period of 
service was at Grinnell College, from 1887 to 1900, and it was here 
that in many respects his greatest work was done. From 1901 to 
1909 he was president of Pomona College in California; and from 
1909 to 1912 he was at the head of Fisk University in Tennessee. 
He died in 1912 as the result of a railway accident. 

The book opens with a tribute to President Gates, written by 
Professor Jesse Macy of Grinnell College, who says that "Dr. Gates' 
utter, self-forgetting devotion to his high calling as preacher of 
righteousness and herald of the truth — all the truth that had been 
revealed to him — shows us the dominant note in his life and char- 
acter. " Mrs. Gates then relates in a clear and simple manner the 
main features of her husband 's career as an educator. The chapter 
on life at Grinnell College is a valuable contribution to the history 
of education in Iowa, where President Gates exerted a wide and 
wholesome influence. 

The Iowa State Federation of Labor. By Lorin Stuckey, Ph. D. 
{Studies in the Social Sciences, University of Iowa, Vol. IV, No. 3.) 
Iowa City : The State University of Iowa. 1916. Pp. 147. Map. 
This monograph, in a sense, breaks new ground for, as the author 
states in the preface, "the State has rarely been taken as the unit 
for the scientific study of the labor movement in America." More- 
over, the author has had access to and has made use of original 
source materials which have enabled him to present an intimate 
study of the history, purposes, and accomplishments of the Iowa 
State Federation of Labor. 




In an introduction Dr. Stuckey briefly surveys the history of the 
Knights of Labor, an organization which in Iowa as in the country 
at large exerted considerable influence in politics during the 
eighties; and discusses the main features of the history of trade 
unionism in Iowa down to 1893. Chapter one contains a narrative 
history of the State Federation of Labor, including its origin, 
growth, and leaders, among whom may be mentioned Mr. A. E. 
Holder, Mr. A. L. Urick, and Mr. J. H. Strief. In chapter two may 
be found a digest of the most important features of the annual con- 
vention of the Federation from 1893 to 1914, wherein are clearly 
reflected the changing methods, policies, and purposes of the organ- 
ization. The third chapter deals with the structure and government 
of the Federation under such topics as membership, finances, the 
officers and their powers, the initiative and referendum, and the 
relation of the Federation to its constituent elements. 

Chapter four treats of the policies of the Federation, both as re- 
gards its own internal organization and methods and its attitude 
toward such problems as convict labor, industrial education, the 
liquor question, immigration, woman suffrage, and socialism. 
"Many of the principles advocated by the Federation are now mat- 
ters of public policy, ' ' says Dr. Stuckey in the closing paragraph of 
this chapter, "and its general attitude of careful, judicious and 
progressive activity has placed it in the forefront of history-making 
institutions in the State of Iowa." The fifth chapter reveals the 
fact that the Federation was an important factor in securing the 
enactment of the compulsory education, child labor, and workmen's 
compensation laws, as well as exercising much influence in favor of 
other legislation in the interests of labor. Special attention should 
be called to a map of Iowa showing the location of the various labor 
unions in this State. An appendix contains the constitution of the 
Iowa State Federation of Labor; and following this there appear 
the notes and references to the source materials on which the study 
is based, as well as a classified bibliography, and an index. 

Dr. Stuckey has produced a thorough piece of work, which should 
stimulate investigators to researches into various other phases of 
the labor movement in this and other Commonwealths. 


Recollections of a Long Life, 1829-1915. By Isaac Stephenson. 
Chicago: Privately printed. 1915. Pp. 264. Portraits, plates. 
Mr. Stephenson writes truly when he states in his preface that there 
"are few men living who have had so varied, certainly so long, a 
career". Students of Mississippi Valley history will be grateful to 
him for thus leaving a record of his experiences. Accounts of this 
kind are all too scarce : they present pictures of the life of the peo- 
ple such as are not to be found elsewhere. 

Isaac Stephenson was born in 1829 in New Brunswick. There 
and in Maine his youth was spent in the environment of the great 
lumber industry of that period. He came to Wisconsin in 1845 and 
landed at Milwaukee, then little more than a frontier village. In 
the years that followed he witnessed the growth of ' ' the early settle- 
ments along Green Bay and the northern peninsula of Michigan 
struggling for foothold on the verge of what seemed to be almost 
illimitable forests", and he worked with the pioneers of that region 
"exploring the forests, in the logging camps, on the rivers and at 
the mills, and sailed with them on Lake Michigan as seaman, mate, 
and master. ' ' Not only does Mr. Stephenson write of his busy life 
as a lumberman, shipper, banker, and of his interest and participa- 
tion in other lines of business, but he also tells of his political career 
in Wisconsin, which State, as is well known, he has represented in 
both houses of Congress. Especially interesting in this connection 
is his account of his relations with Senator La Follette. 

The book is well printed and bound. Unfortunately there is no 
index — a lack which is particularly to be deplored in a volume 
which contains so many references to incidents in the careers of 
persons with whom the author was connected or acquainted. 

The National Municipal League has prepared and published a 
pamphlet entitled A Model City Charter and Mu7ncipal Home Rule. 

"Volume one, number one of the Journal of the National Institute 
of Social Sciences has appeared. Among the many papers which it 
contains may be mentioned an Economic and Political Summary of 
the Generation Just Closing, by William H. Taft. 



Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt is the title of a neat booklet pub- 
lished by the Daughters of the American Revolution of Allegheny 
County, Pennsylvania. 

Sylvanus Griswold Morley is the author of An Introduction to the 
Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs, which appears as Bulletin 57 of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

The Annual Magazine Subject-Index 1915, edited by Frederick 
"W. Faxon and published by the Boston Book Company, contains 
among other things references to the materials in the periodical pub- 
lications of the various historical societies in the United States for 
the year indicated. 

Bulletin 62 published by the Bureau of American Ethnology 
consists of a study of the Physical Anthropology of the Lenape or 
Delawares, and of the Eastern Indians in General, by Ales Hrdlicka. 

Margaret B. Stillwell is the compiler of a Checklist of Eulogies 
and Funeral Orations on the Death of George Washington, which 
appears in the May number of the Bulletin of the New York Public 

The Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, volume 
fifty-five, number four, contains a Symposium in International Law: 
Its Origin, Obligation and Future, the participants being John 
Bassett Moore, Charlemagne Tower, George Grafton Wilson, Philip 
Marshall Brown, and David Jayne Hill. 

In the Journal of the United States Cavalry Association for April 
there is a brief article on The Beginning of the American Cavalry, 
by C. D. Rhodes. 

In the April number of The South Atlantic Quarterly there may 
be found, among others, the following contributions : Recent Educa- 
tional Progress, by Clyde Furst ; another installment of Letters of a 
Virginia Cadet at West Point, 1859-1861, edited by Kate Mason 
Rowland ; a continuation of the study of Reconstruction and Educa- 
tion in Virginia, by Edgar W. Knight; and National Safety of the 
United States, Past and Future, by George M. Dutcher. 


The April number of the Smith College Studies in History con- 
tains the concluding chapters of Laura J. Webster's study of The 
Operation of the Freedmen's Bureau in South Carolina. 

A Statute for Promoting Fraud, by Francis M. Burdick; The 
Sheriff's Return, by Edson R. Sunderland; and the second part of 
a study of The Doctrine of an Inherent Bight of Local Self -Govern- 
ment, by Howard Lee McBain, are articles in the April number of 
the Columbia Law Review. 

Among the articles in The Yale Review for April are the follow- 
ing: President Wilson's Administration, by Moorfield Storey; The 
War and American Democracy, by Wilbur C. Abbott; Charles 
Sumner, by Gamaliel Bradford; The Federal Valuation of Rail- 
roads, by Morrell W. Gaines; and Emerson and his Journals, by 
Henry A. Beers. 

The Problem of Unemployment Today, by W. M. Leiserson; 
Single-Tax Movement in Oregon, by James H. Gilbert; Land Tenure 
Reform and Democracy, by George E. Putnam ; The Presidential 
Primary in Oregon, by James D. Barnett; and Effects of Woman's 
Suffrage on the Political Situation in the City of Chicago, by Fred 
W. Eckert, are among the articles in the ]\Iarch number of the 
Political Science Quarterly. 

Among the contributions in The Quarterly Journal of Economics 
for May are the following : Minimum Wages for Women, by F. W. 
Taussig; and The Extent of Labor Organization in the United 
States in 1910, by Leo Wolman, the latter article being supplement- 
ed by an appendix containing some statistics of labor organizations 
in the year indicated. 

The following articles are among those published in The History 
Teacher's Magazine for April: Changing Conceptions in History, 
by Dana C. IMunro; The Civic View of Teaching History, by George 
W. Eddy; Mutual Opinions of North and South 1851-1854, contrib- 
uted by Albert H. Sanford ; and How to Teach the History of the 
West in American History, by Howard W. Caldwell. In the May 
number Ida Carleton Thallon suggests Some Relations between 



Archaeology and History ; and Isaac J. Cox discusses The European 
Background for the High School Course in American History. 
Frank Heywood Hodder writes on The Purchase of Louisiana in the 
June number. 

Beginning with, last January the magazine known as Americana 
is issued quarterly instead of monthly. Among the articles in the 
January number are : The Example of Washington in New Jersey 
in the Revolution as a Living Force in our National Life To-day, by 
Josiah C. Pumpelly; and Tavern Amusements in Eighteenth Cen- 
tury America, by Ruth E. Painter. The following are among the 
contributions in the April number: Cato's Tavern, by Hopper 
Striker Mott; The Burr-Hamilton Duel, by William W. Brewton; 
and The Beaver as a Factor in the Development of New England, 
by H. L. Babcoek. 

An interesting book in the series known as The American Books, 
published by Doubleday, Page and Company and sold at sixty cents 
a volume, is one by Charles A. Eastman (Ohiyesa), entitled The 
Indian To-day: The Past and Future of the First American. The 
high reputation of the author will in itself insure the book a careful 
reading by all those interested in the American Indian and his 
problem. The reader can scarcely fail to be impressed with the 
thorough knowledge, as well as the sanity and broad-mindedness, 
which Dr. Eastman reveals in this very readable little book. The 
eleven chapters, all brief and to the point, deal with the Indian as 
he was, the how and why of Indian wars, the agency system, the new 
Indian policy, the Indian in school, the Indian at home, the Indian 
as a citizen, the Indian in college and the professions, the Indian's 
health problem, native arts and industries, and the Indian's gifts to 
the nation. 

The Military Historian and Economist for April opens with the 
first installment of a discussion of Lieut enant-General Grant's Cam- 
paign of 1864-65, by Willey Howell, who points out the fact that 
"General Grant's mind was working along the lines of economic 
strategy — that special strategical view-point which regards the 
hostile people and their resources as the real enemy and the hostile 


armies as mere obstacles in the way of attacking the resources." 
The article is accompanied by a large map — a copy of the one used 
by General Grant. There are also several articles dealing with 
different aspects of the present war in Europe. 

The May number of The American Political Science Review is is- 
sued in three parts. Part one contains the usual number of articles 
and the customary notes and bibliographical data. Among the 
articles are the following : Nationalism in the British Empire, by A. 
Maurice Low; Judicial Determinations by Administrative Commis- 
sions, by Charles W. Needham; "Government Contests" Before the 
Administrative Tribunals of the Land Department, by Philip P. 
Wells; The Land Department as an Administrative Tribunal, by 
Charles R. Pierce ; and Standardization of Salaries and Grades in 
Civil Service, by Robert Moses. The Legislative Notes and Reviews, 
conducted by John A. Lapp, deal with the initiative and referen- 
dum in 1915, administration and supervision of State charities and 
corrections, mechanical registration of legislative votes, the secret 
ballot in Argentine, and the city-manager plan. Part two contains 
the general report of the committee on academic freedom and aca- 
demic tenure ; while in part three may be found a list of the mem- 
bers of the American Political Science Association. 

Rural Economy in Neiv England at the Begimiing of the Nine- 
teenth Century is the subject of an interesting study by Percy Wells 
Bidwell, which was published in April in the Transactions of the 
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. The inland towns and 
their village settlements, the coast and river towns, commercial rela- 
tions of southern New England with the southern States and the 
West Indies, internal trade and the transportation system, the agri- 
cultural industry, and home and community life in the inland town 
are the phases of the subject discussed in the various chapters. 

Beginning with the January-IMarch number. The Journal of 
American History appears as the official organ of the recently or- 
ganized National Historical Society, of which Mr. Frank Allaben is 
the president and editor-in-chief. The articles of incorporation of 
the Society may be found in the opening pages. The editor also 



discusses The National Historical Society and the Splendid Memo- 
rial Building to he Erected in Honor of the First President of the 
United States by the George Washington Memorial Association. 
There is a lengthy, illustrated article by Henry H. Humphreys on 
Who Built the First United States Navy? The remainder of the 
Journal is taken up with lists of the founders of the National His- 
torical Society, and of the members of and contributors to the 
George Washington Memorial Association, among whom are many 

Beginning with the January -March number the periodical for- 
merly known as The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American 
Indians appears under a somewhat more popular name : The Amer- 
ican Indian Magazine. Among the contents may be mentioned a 
discussion of The Functions of the Society of American Indians, by 
the editor, Arthur C. Parker; The American Indian as a Warrior, 
by Gawasa Wanneh; The Indian, the Country and the Government : 
A Plea for an Efficient Indian Service, by Arthur C. Parker; and 
The Remnants of the Poxohatan Tribe, by Philip B. Gordon. A sup- 
plement to this number consists of a fine-spirited proclamation of 
Sherman Coolidge, president of the Society of American Indians, 
designating the second Saturday in May of each year as ' ' American 
Indian Day", and calling upon "every person of American Indian 
ancestry to specially observe this day as one set apart as a memorial 
to the Red Race of America and to a wise consideration of its 
future. ' ' 

Public Administration and Partisan Politics is the general topic 
of discussion in the March number of The Annals of the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science. The various papers, writ- 
ten by George Haven Putnam, Chester Lloyd Jones, John A. Dun- 
away, Richard S. Childs, John A. Lapp, Simon N. Patten, Charles 
A. Beard, and others, are grouped into three parts devoted to the 
cost of partisan politics in the work of government, movements to 
free public administration from partisan politics, and public poli- 
cies in a responsible government. A supplement to this number of 
the Annals contains an index to that publication since 1890. The 
May number is devoted to Personnel and Employment Problems. 


The place of the human element in industrial management; the 
funetionalized employment department; unnecessary hiring and 
firing of employes; the securing, selection and assigning of em- 
ployes; and the employe at work are the topics under which the 
subject is discussed. A supplement to this number contains a study 
of the methods of Steadying Employment, by Joseph H. Willits. 

Series thirty-four, number two of the Johns Hopkins University 
Studies in Historical and Political Science contains a monograph by 
Lindsay Rogers on The Postal Power of Congress: A Study in Con- 
stitutional Expansion. The seven chapters deal with the antece- 
dents of the power, the power of Congress to establish postofflces, 
the power of Congress to establish postroads, limitations on the 
postal power, the power of the States to interfere with the mails, 
the extension of federal control over postroads, and the extension of 
federal control through exclusion from the mails. 

A discussion of Professional Standards and Professional Ethics in 
the New Profession of City Manager, with Richard S. Childs as the 
leader, appears in the opening pages of the National Municipal Re- 
view for April. Other long articles are : Mayor Baker's Adminis- 
tration in Cleveland, by C. C. Arbuthnot; The Progress of Munic- 
ipal Home Rule in Ohio, by Mayo Fesler; and Proportional Repre- 
sentation: A Fundamental or a Fad?, by Herman G. ^ames. Among 
the shorter articles may be mentioned: What is Civic Education?, 
by Edward A. Fitzpatrick; Civics: The Art of Citizenship, by E. 
Mabel Skinner; Educating the Rural Legislator, by William C. 
Culkins; and Growth of Urban Popidation in the United States as 
Compared with Other Lands, by Murray Gross. 


Davy Crockett is a book by W. C. Sprague, published by the 
Macmillan Company in its series of True Stories of Great Amer- 

The ]\Iarch number of the Bulletin of the Indiana State Library 
contains brief biographical data concerning The Governors of 
Indiana, prepared by Harlow Lindley. 



Dr. F. H. Garver is the writer of two articles on Historical Sites 
of Montana which appeared in the February and April numbers of 
The Ifiter-Mountain Educator. 

Volume nine of the Publications of the American Ethnological 
Society contains a number of Kickapoo Tales, collected by William 
Jones and translated by Truman Michelson. 

Fred L. Holmes is the author of a volume on the Regulation of 
Railroads and Public Utilities in Wisconsin which has been brought 
out by D. Appleton and Company. 

The Board of State Charities of Indiana has issued an illustrated 
volume of about one hundred pages by Amos W. Butler entitled 
A Century of Progress: A Study of the Development of Public 
Charities and Correction, 1790-1915. 

R. D. O'Leary is the writer of a tribute to Professor George Ed- 
ivard Patrick which is printed in The Graduate Magazine of the 
University of Kansas for May. Lucius E. Sayre contributes a brief 
review of Thirty Years of Changes. In the June number there is an 
address on The Mississippi Valley and Civilization, by Stuart 

The Indiana State Board of Forestry has published an Arbor and 
Bird Day Manual, compiled by E. A. Gladden, in which special at- 
tention is paid to the Indiana centennial which is being celebrated 
this year. 

Of special interest in the Fifth Annual Report of the Board of 
Curators of the Louisiana State Museum is the summary of the 
progress made by the Department of Louisiana History and Ar- 
chives during the past year. 

Special Libraries for June contains a bibliography of Direct La- 
bor Versus Contract System in Municipal Work, compiled by Harry 
A, Rider. 

Volume nine, number three of the Nebraska Academy of Sciences 
Publications is devoted to Folk-Songs of Nebraska and the Central 
West: a Syllabus, by Louise Pond. 


Edward A. Fitzpatriek is the editor of a new periodical called 
The Public Servant, which is issued monthly, except in July and 
August, at Madison, Wisconsin, as the official organ of the Society 
for the Promotion of Training for Public Service. 

Albert Ernest Jenks is the author of Indian-White Amalgama- 
tion: An Anthropometric Study, which constitutes number six of 
the Studies in the Social Sciences published by the University of 

Two recent numbers of the University of California Publications 
in American Archaeology and Ethnology consist of a monograph on 
The Delineation of the Day-signs in the Aztec Manuscripts, by T. T. 
Waterman ; and a briefer study of California Place Names of Indian 
Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. 

The Need of a Constitutional Convention in Minnesota is pointed 
out by William A. Schaper in the April number of Minnesota 

Among the many publications called forth by the centennial an- 
niversary which is being celebrated this summer in all parts of 
Indiana is An Invitation to You and your Folks from Jim and some 
More of the Home Folks, compiled by George Ade for the Indiana 
Historical Commission and published by the Bobbs-Merrill Com- 

The January number of The Ohio Bulletin of Charities and Cor- 
rection is devoted entirely to a compendium of the laws of Ohio 
relating to benevolent and correctional institutions, boards and of- 
ficers, and to kindred subjects. 

Old Santa Fe for April opens with another installment of Charles 
Wilson Hackett's study of Otermin's Attempt to Reconquer New 
Mexico, 1681-1682. Other contributions are: The Story of the 
Santa Rita Copper Mine, by John M. Sully; and The Proposed 
"National Park of the Cliff Cities", by Edgar L. Hewett. 

A brief sketch of the unique career of Johnny Appleseed: A Pio- 
neer Orchardist has been written and published in pamphlet form 



by E. R. Smith, president of the Indiana Apple Show Commission. 
"Johnny Appleseed brought us the apple tree", says the writer, 
"and taught our forefathers how to grow and develop it. The re- 
telling of the story of his work is a simple tribute to his memory, 
the placing of a flower on his grave, as it were, by those who are 
now trying to extend the work he began a hundred years ago. ' ' 

Volume five, number one of the University of Illinois Studies in 
the Social Sciences, published in March, consists of a monograph on 
The Enforcement of International Law Through Municipal Law in 
the United States, by Philip Quincy Wright. The work is divided 
into four parts, devoted to obligations in time of peace, obligations 
as a neutral toward belligerents, obligations as a belligerent toward 
neutrals, and obligations as a belligerent toward enemies. 

An excellent address on The Library and the Modern University, 
by Jay William Judson, appears in The University of Missouri Bul- 
letin for May. The importance of the historical viewpoint is one of 
the ideas emphasized in the address. "Let us hope", says Dr. 
Judson, "that the new and widespread study of the great problems 
thru their geneses will mean a new historic consciousness which will 
give us that logic of history fundamentally required by democracy 's 

The Commonwealth Review of the University of Oregon, edited 
by P. 0. Young, is a new and promising periodical which made its 
appearance in January. Among the articles in this number are the 
following: A Proposed School of Commonwealth Service, by Edwin 
Clyde Robbins; The Reorganization of the State Administration of 
Oregon, by James D. Barnett; Reorganization of County Adminis- 
tration for Economy and Efficiency, by Rufus C. Holman; and 
Salient Principles of a Modern City Charter, by Benjamin C. 

Inefficiency of Municipal Ownership, by W. J. Grambs ; Efficien- 
cy of Municipal Ownership, by J. D. Ross; Public Ownership and 
Operation of Water and Rail Terminal Facilities, by Robert 
Bridges; and Work of a Public Utilities Department, by A. L. Val- 
entine, are articles in the April number of Washington Municipali- 


ties, published at Seattle by the University of Washington Extension 

An important source for the early history of the Southwest has 
been made generally accessible by the private publication in Chicago 
recently of The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides 1630, trans- 
lated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer and annotated by Frederick W. 
Hodge and Charles F. Lummis. This memorial was first printed in 
1630 and one of the few original copies in existence is in the private 
library of Mr. Erward E. Ayer of Chicago. "Benavides was an 
eye-witness and a part of the history-making era he records", says 
Mr. Lummis in an introduction. "He was an honest chronicler, 
though an enthusiastic one — a religious 'promoter,' as it were." 
In addition to the translation the volume contains a facsimile re- 
production of the Spanish text of the memorial. The book is beauti- 
fully illustrated and is a handsome product of the printer's art. 

Published in November, 1915, in the University of Illinois Studies 
in the Social Sciences is a monograph on the History of the Illinois 
Central Railroad to 1870, by Howard Gray Brownson. The seven 
chapters deal with Illinois in 1850, the land grant and charter, the 
construction of the charter lines, construction and development 
from 1857 to 1870, traffic from 1857 to 1870, finances of construc- 
tion and operation from 1851 to 1870, and conclusion. While pri- 
marily concerned with Illinois, this work is also a contribution to 
Iowa history, and no one interested in the early railroads in this 
State can afford to overlook it. 

George Bird Grinnell is the author of a volume of over four hun- 
dred pages on The Fighting Cheyennes, which has been published 
by Charles Scribner's Sons. One feature of the book which is espe- 
cially noteworthy is the fact that the author's long and intimate 
acquaintance with the Cheyennes enabled him to write from their 
point of view. Thus he has corrected many of the errors and mis- 
representations which have appeared in the accounts written by 
white men who were as a rule their enemies. At the same time, Mr. 
Grinnell has written without partisanship. Some idea of the con- 
tents of the book may be gained from the following partial list of 
tlie topics discussed in the thirty-one chapters: the Cheyennes, the 



ways of warriors, a Crow battle, wars with the Kiowas and Co- 
manches, the peace with the Kiowas, wars with the Pawnees, the 
Sumner campaign of 1857, gold in Colorado, the Sand Creek mas- 
sacre, the Powder River expedition, Fort Phil Kearny, the Medicine 
Lodge treaty, the battle of the Washita, the fight at Adobe Walls, 
the Custer battle, the Fort Robinson outbreak, and scouting for the 
soldiers. There are several maps, frequent footnotes and references 
to sources, and an index. 


J. W. Jarnagin contributes a brief but interesting sketch of 
TkresMng Grain in the Olden Time to The Iowa Farmer for June 

In the May number of The Iowa Alumnus there is an Historical 
Sketch of Dentistry at Iowa. 

The Cornell College Bulletin published in December, 1915, con- 
tains the addresses at The Inauguration of President Flint on No- 
vember 19, 1915, among which may be mentioned one on The College 
of the Pioneer, by Thomas H. Macbride. 

The Bulletin of the Iowa State Board of Health, edited by Guil- 
ford H. Sumner, is a new quarterly publication which recently 
made its appearance. 

A brief sketch of the life of the late John F. Lacey appears in 
The Alumnus of Iowa State College for April. The May number 
contains an article entitled Carrie Chapman Catt — Convocation 
Speaker; and a biographical sketch of Prof. Geo. E. Patrick. 

The New Nationalism is the subject of an address by J. Edward 
Kirbye, which is printed in the April number of The Old Conti- 

The Financial Growth of Waterloo is the subject of the opening 
article in The Northwestern Banker for June. There is a sketch of 
the history of the South Dakota Bankers' Association, and Leroy M. 
Gibbs discusses the Growth and Development of Sioux Falls, South 


The Diamond Jubilee of St. Joseph's Church, Fort Madison, Iowa, 
1840-1915, is the title of a book of about one hundred and fifty 
pages, by Arthur J. Zaiser, which is a valuable contribution to the 
early church history of Lee County and southeastern Iowa. 

A series of articles on Masonic High Lights of the Struggle for 
Mexican Independence, by John L. McLeish, is published in The 
American Freemason for April, May, and June. 

Chapter two of Lula M. Sandy's article on Immigration is to be 
found in the April number of Autumn Leaves. In May there is an 
account of a Visit to the Birthplace of Joseph Smith, the Martyr, by 
C. B. Keck. The Mountain of the Arrow-head is described in the 
June number. In all three issues there are chapters of Leaves from 
Church History. 

Volume five, number one of the Studies in the Social Sciences, 
published by the State University of Iowa, consists of a monograph 
on Some Aspects of British Rule in India, by Sudhindra Bose. 
While the author is "fully aware and duly appreciative of the many 
solid advantages of English rule", his point of view in this mono- 
graph is expressed in the statement that he has considered it "im- 
portant just now to point out certain evils and suggest constructive 
reforms. ' ' 

The April number of the Journal of History published at La- 
moni, Iowa, is filled with interesting material. Among the contents 
are the following contributions: A Visit to Adam-ondi-Ahman, by 
Heman C. Smith ; Reminiscences of Missouri, by Heman C. Smith ; 
The Prisoners of Missouri, by the same writer ; Press Comments on 
Missouri Troubles; and The Unwritten Story of the Exodus from 
Missouri, by Vida E. Smith. 

Clifford Powell, who for several years was a member of the staff 
of The State Historical Society of Iowa, is the editor of the Company 
Orders of the Dodge Light Guards, Company L., 3rd loxoa Infantry, 
1894-1916, which have been printed in pamphlet form. This Coun- 
cil Bluffs Company, according to ]Mr. Powell who is now its Captain, 
is "said to ])e the oldest military organization in the state, having 



been organized by tbe late Major General Grenville M. Dodge in 
1854 or 1855." The pamphlet also contains a letter from General 
Dodge telling of the organization and early history of the company. 

City Planning for Small Cities, by John L. Hershey, is an article 
in the April issue of American Municipalities. In May, among other 
things, there is an unsigned article on The Failure of Public Regu- 
lation. Three articles in the June number are: Municipal Effi- 
ciency, by A. C. Mueller; State Legislation for Municipalities, by 
D. E. Stuart; and Prohahle Results of Legal Regulation, by R. B. 

Roustabout's History of Mahaska County is the title of an exceed- 
ingly interesting little volume of about one hundred pages, written 
by Phil Hoffman, editor of the Oskaloosa Herald and a member of 
The State Historical Society of Iowa. There are nineteen short 
chapters devoted to such topics as the beginning, the Indians, Chief 
Mahaska, county seat, railroads, inventions, good roads, industries, 
base ball, banks, the making of soft soap, highways, factories, floods, 
supplies, the press, courts, the stage, and the finish. The book is a 
welcome departure from the ordinary county history. It is written 
in a breezy, semi-humorous style which makes it very entertaining 
reading, while at the same time it conveys to the reader a good idea 
of many phases of the history of the county. 

The Life of W J McOee, written by his sister, Emma R. McGee, is 
a volume which has been privately printed at Farley, Iowa. Dr. 
McGee was one of Iowa's best known scientists, especially in the 
fields of geology, ethnology, and anthropology; and his part in the 
movement for the conservation of natural resources was no small 
one. Less than eighty pages of the book are devoted to the life of 
Dr. McGee, and for this reason many readers will doubtless be some- 
what disappointed : one would gladly know more of the incidents in 
his career. One hundred and fifty pages are taken up with extracts 
from his writings on the following subjects : the desert, the conser- 
vation of natural resources, the Seri Indians, the world 's supply of 
fuel, desert thirst as a disease, the cult of conservation, the five- 
fold functions of government, flood plains of rivers, and the symp- 

VOL. xrv — 30 


tomatic development of cancer. At the close of the book there is a 
bibliography of Dr. McGee's writings. The book will be welcomed 
among the many friends of the eminent scientist, who died on Sep- 
tember 5, 1912. 


Abbott, Keene, 

From Moccasin to Motor-car (Harper's Monthly Magazine, 

June, 1916). 
Arnold, John Henry, 

The Debater's Guide. Cedar Falls: Published by the author. 


Beard, James Thom, 

Mine Gases and Ventilation. New York: McGraw-Hill. 1916. 
Bowman, James Cloyd, 

The Promise of Country Life. Boston: D. C. Heath and Co. 

Brindley, John Edwin, 

Five Mill Tax on Moneys and Credits in Iowa (Quarterly 
Journal of Economics, May, 1916). 
Brown, Charles Reynolds, 

The Healing Poiver of Suggestion. New York: Thomas Y. 
Crowell Co. 1916. 
Fieke, Arthur Davison, 

Japanese Prints (Scribner's Magazine, April, 1916). 
Franklin, William Suddards, 

Some Phenomena of Fluid Motion and the Curved Flight of a 
Base Ball (Scientific Monthly, February, 1916). 
Frudden, William Elmer, 

Farm Buildings: How to Build Them. Charles City, Iowa: 
Published by the author. 1916. 
Gallagher, J. P., 

Corn on the Cob. Williamsburg, Iowa: Journal-Tribune Press. 
Garland, Hamlin, 

They of the High Trails. New York : Harper Bros. 1916. 



Gleason, Mrs. Helen Hayes (Joint author), 

Golden Lads. New York : The Century Co. 1916. 

Hall, James Norman, 

Kitchener's Mol. Boston : Houghton Mifflin Co. 1916. 

Heibnan, Ralph Emerson, 

Control of Interstate Utility Capitalization hy State Commis- 
sions (Journal of Political Economy, May, 1916). 

Hoffman, Phil, 

Roustabout's History of Mahaska County. Oskaloosa: Pub- 
lished by the author. 1916. 
Hoist, Bernhart Paul, 

My Experience with Spies in the Great European War. Boone, 
Iowa : Hoist Publishing Co. 1916. 
Hough, Emerson, 

Let Us Go Afield. New York : D. Appleton and Co. 1916. 
Hughes, Rupert, 

Case of Our National Guard (Collier's, May 20, 1916). 
Hutchinson, "Woods, 

Community Hygiene. Boston : Houghton Mifflin Co. 1916. 
Secret of Beauty (Good Housekeeping, March, 1916) ; Street 
Lighting and Health (American City, May, 1916) ; Duty of 
Coolness (Good Housekeeping, June, 1916). 
Jessup, Walter Albert, 

The Teaching Staff. Cleveland: Cleveland Foundation Survey. 
Koren, John, 

Alcohol and Society. New York : Henry Holt and Co. 1916. 
Macbride, Thomas Huston, 

On the Campus: Addresses Delivered at Various Times Before 
University and College Audiences. Cedar Rapids: The 
Torch Press. 1916. 
Miller, Albert Arthur, 

Circleometry . Des Moines: Homestead Co. 1916. 
Parish, John Carl, 

Simancas: An Historical Town of Old Spain (Travel, Decem- 
ber, 1915). 


Powell, Clifford, 

Company Orders of the Dodge Light Guards. Council Bluffs : 
Morehouse and Co. 1916. 
Richardson, Anna Steese, 

Adventures in Thrift. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co. 

Easy Alimony (McClure's Magazine, March, 1916) ; Woman- 
made Season (McClure's Magazine, April, 1916) ; Am I My 
Husband's Keeper (McClure's Magazine, May, 1916). 
Robbins, Edwin Clyde, 

Lumber Decline in the Northwest (Review of Reviews, May, 
Ross, Edward Als worth, 

Principle of Anticipation (American Journal of Sociology, 
March, 1916) ; Conscience of the Expert (School and Society, 
April 8, 1916). 
Sabin, Edwin Legrand, 

Sleeping Out (American Magazine, June, 1916). 
Schmidt, Louis Bernard, 

The Economic History of American Agriculture as a Field for 
Study (The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, June, 
Seashore, Carl Emil, 

Seeing Yourself Sing (Science, April, 1916) ; Using the Eye 
Instead of the Ear in the Training of a Musician (Scientific 
American, May 13, 1916) ; The Blind and their Sense Capac- 
ity (Outlook, May 17, 1916) ; The Frequency of Dreams 
(Scientific Monthly, May, 1916). 
Seerley, Homer H., 

Extension Service for Iowa Teachers (Proceedings and Ad- 
dresses of National Education Association, 1915). 
Smith, Lewis Worthington, 

Ships in Port. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1916. 
The Mechanism of English Style. New York: Oxford Univer- 
sity Press. 1916. 
Steiner, Edward Alfred, 

Tolstoy: the Man and his Message (Revised edition). New 
York and Chicago : Fleming H. Revell Co. 1916. 



Stuckey, Lorin, 

The Iowa State Federation of Later. Iowa City : Published by 
the author. 1916. 


The Register and Leader 

Eemarkable Story of L. H. Kurtz's Half Century Business Career, 
April 2, 1916. 

The Last Raft that Passed down the Mississippi, April 9, 1916. 
Part Played by Iowa and Des Moines in Mexican War Seventy 

Years Ago, by Addie B. Billington, April 9, 1916. 
Retiring City Officials with Records, April 16, 1916. 
Black Hawk's Descendants to Return for Centennial Fete, April 26, 


Church at Galesburg, Iowa, Celebrates Fifty-seventh Anniversary, 

April 30, 1916. 
Improvement of Le Claire Rapids, April 30, 1916. 
History of Herndon Gas Field, May 7, 1916. 
Professor Jesse Macy 's Plea for Woman Suffrage, May 14, 1916. 
Iowa Forty-six Years Ago, by W. J. Lampton, May 18, 1916. 
When John P. Irish Favored Suffrage, May 24, 1916. 
When Women Students Drilled as Soldiers at Ames, May 28, 1916. 
Fire at Penn College, May 28, 1916. 

When Iowa Became a State, by W. H. Fleming, May 29, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of James J. Hill, May 30, 1916. 
Status of the American Indian, June 14, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of Alfred Wingate, June 14, 1916. 
Fort Armstrong, June 18, 1916. 

Can any State Beat Iowa?, by Herbert Quick, June 18, 1916. 
Warlike Activity of 1861 Recalled, June 25, 1916. 


Fort Armstrong Celebration to Bring Results, in the Davenport 

Democrat, April 2, 1916. 
Billy Moore Tells of Early Days in Des Moines, in the Des Moines 

Tribune, April 3, 1916. 


Visit to Allamakee County Seventy-two Years Ago, in the Waukon 

Republican, April 5, 1916. 
Old Marion County, in the Knoxville Express, April 5, 1916. 
Charlie Wilson writes of Early Days, in the Decorah Journal, April 

5, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Mrs. Duly Ann Griffey, in the Shenandoah 
Sentinel-Post, April 10, 1916. 

History of Founding of Cherokee, by Myron Hinkley, in the Chero- 
kee Times, April 13, 1916. 

Andersonville Prison, by W. J. Gilmore, in the Nevada Representa- 
tive, April 13, 1916. 

Frontier Sketches, running in the Burlington Post. 

In the Early Days, in the Panora Vidette, April 20, 1916. 

Sketch of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. John McNary, in the State Cen- 
ter Enterprise, April 20, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Col. C. C. Horton, in the Marshalltown Times- 
Repuhlican, April 21, 1916, and Muscatine News-Tribune, 
April 23, 1916. 

Pioneer Talks of Early Days in Dubuque, in the Dubuque Times- 
Journal, April 25, 1916. 

The Switzerland of Iowa, in the Waukon Republican, April 26, 

.Sketch of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. H. A. Hermsen, in the Neola 

Gazette-Republican, April 27, 1916. 
Early Days in Cherokee, by Myron Hinkley, in the Cherokee Times, 

April 27, May 4, 25, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of J. Q. White, in the Corning Free Press, April 

29, 1916. 

Academies in Iowa, in the Carroll Herald, May 3, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Dr. G. F. Stansberry, in the Centerville 

lowegian. May 4, 1916. 
Epitome of Iowa History, in the Lacona Ledger, May 5, 1916. 
Interesting Bit of Red Oak History, in the Red Oak Express, May 

5, 1916. 

Sketch of the lives of Mr. and Mrs. R. F. Walker, in the Oakland 
Acorn, May 11, 1916. 



Some Recollections of Early Day Indians and Mormons in Iowa, in^ 

the Centerville lowegian, May 11, 1916. 
Some Early Iowa Schools, by Hiram Heaton, in the Burlington 

Post, May 13, 1916. 
Priest Planned Old Capitol, in the Iowa City Republican, May 17, 


History of Locating Lee County Seat, by J. F. Daugherty, in the 

Keokuk Gate-City, May 18, 1916. 
Some Early History of Conesville, Iowa, in the Lone Tree Reporter, 

May 18, 1916. 

History of Log Cabin, in the Dubuque Telegraph-Herald, May 21, 

Sketch of the life of Benjamin P. Birdsall, in the Clarion Monitor, 
May 24, 1916. 

Early Days in Iowa, in the Bloomfield Republican, May 25, 1916. 
History of Troy Academy, in the Bloomfield Republican, May 25, 

Beginning of Survey at Red Rock in 1843, in the Des Moines Cap- 
ital, May 26, 1916. 

Sketch of the life of Joseph M. Abel, in the Council Bluffs Non- 
pareil, May 28, 1916. 

Early Iowa Schools, by Hiram Heaton, in the Fairfield Ledger, May 
31, 1916. 

History of Keokuk is Part of History of Civil War, in the Keokuk 

Gate-City, May 31, 1916. 
The Fairfield Ledger in 1871, in the Fairfield Ledger, June 7, 1916. 
Recalls Old Indian Treaty, in the Knoxville Express, June 7, 1916. 
A Boone County Veteran's Experience at Andersonville, by Jackson 

Hull, in the Madrid News, June 8, 1916. 
John Swather — Early Stage Driver, in the Oskaloosa Herald, 

June 9, 1916. 

Child of Betsy Ross Buried in Fort Madison, in the Fort Madison 

Democrat, June 14, 1916. 
Des Moines in 1851, in the Des Moines Tribune, June 15, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of W. B. Martin, in the Greenfield Free Press, 

June 15, 1916. 


Sixth Iowa Cavalry — Historical Sketch of Indian War Regiment, 

in the Marshalltown Times-Repuhlican, June 19, 1916. 
Synopsis of Historical Pageantry at Davenport, in the Davenport 

Democrat, June 20, 1916. 
Robert Dickson Sole Survivor of Organizers of Carroll County, in 

the Carroll Herald, June 21, 1916. 
Iowa and the Mexican War, 1846, in the Des Moines Capital, June 

23, 1916. 

Remarkable Exhibit of Relies of Davenport's Early Days, in the 

Davenport Democrat, June 25, 1916. 
Sketch of the life of Gen. Milo T. Sherman, in the New Hampton 

Gazette, June 28, 1916. 
Bits of Davis County History, in the Bloomfield Republican, June 

29, 1916. 



A detailed description of The Minnesota Historical Society Build- 
ing as it will appear when completed, written by Stirling Horner, is 
to be found in the May number of the Minnesota History Bulletin. 

An illustrated article on Outagamie County Antiquities, by 
George R. Fox, is to be found in The Wisconsin Archeologist for 

Benjamin Franklin — An Appreciation, by Marshall Putnam 
Thompson, is the title of a paper published in the Proceedings of 
the Bostonian Society at the annual meeting held on January 18, 
1916. A Boy's Memories of the Civil War and the Assassination of 
Abraham Lincoln are related by Charles F. Read. 

The Pennsylvania Society of Colonial Governors has issued a 
handsome volume of over three hundred pages containing biograph- 
ical sketches of several Governors of the various American colonies. 

Bulletin No. 5 published by the Michigan Historical Commission 
contains a list of Names of Places of Interest on Mackinac Island, 
Michigan, with descriptive and explanatory notes by Frank A. 
O'Brien. There is also a map of Mackinac Island. 

Early Opposition to Thomas Hart Benton, by C. H. McClure; 
and How Missouri Counties, Towns and Streams were Named, by 
David W. Eaton, are two articles in the April number of The Mis- 
souri Historical Review. 

Volume fourteen, number two of The James Sprunt Historical 
Publications, published under the direction of the North Carolina 
Historical Society, is taken up with a monograph by Francis Hodges 
Cooper, on Some Colonial Aspects of Beaufort County, North 



In The Journal of American Folk-Lore for July-September, 1915, 
may be found Some Play -Party Games of the Middle West, includ- 
ing a number from Iowa, compiled by Edwin F. Piper. 

Some Errors in Medford's Histories are pointed out by John H. 
Hooper in the April number of The Medford Historical Register. 

The June number of the Indiana Magazine of History contains 
the following five articles: The Socialist Party in Ulinois Since 
1896, by Ora E. Cox; WJw was our Sieur de Vincennesf, by Jacob 
P. Dunn; Some Features of the History of Parke County, by 
Maurice Murphy; The Terre Haute Company, by A. R. Markle; 
and Tecumseh's Confederacy, by Elmore Barce. 

The Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society for January 
contain, among other things, an article by Joseph F. Folsom entitled 
Manuscript Light on Chaplain James Caldwell's Death. 

Part two of the Report of the Journey of Francis Louis Michel 
from Berne, Switzerland, to Virginia, in 1701-1702, translated and 
edited by William J. Hinke ; and the fifth section of the study of 
The Virginia Frontier in History, by David J. Bushnell, Jr., deal- 
ing in this case with the Treaty of Fort Pitt, are among the contents 
of The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography for April. 

Among the contents of The South Carolina Historical and Genea- 
logical Magazine for January are continuations of Letters to Gen- 
eral Greene and Others, annotated by Joseph W. Barnwell; and the 
Order Booh of John Faucheraud Grimke. 

The fourth installment of Selections from the Follett Papers, 
edited by L. B. Hamlin, may be found in the January-March issue 
of The Quarterly Publication of the Historical and Philosophical 
Society of Ohio. 

Father Peter De Smct — Mighty Sower 1801-1873, by Joseph M. 
Corrigan, is an article in the June number of the Records of the 
American Catholic Historical Society which has a bearing on the 
early history of western Iowa. It is evidently a review of the recent 
biography of De Smet, written by E. Laveille. A similar article by 



Joseph J. Murphy reviews the main events in the career of Reverend 
Charles Nerinckx, a pioneer missionary of Kentucky, as related in a 
recent biography. 

A biographical sketch of Nathaniel Gushing Nash, by Nathaniel 
C. Nash, Jr. ; and a continuation of the Reminiscences of John 
Davidson, a Maine Pioneer, are among the contents of The New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register for April. 

Among the articles in the January-March number of the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist are the following : On the Variety of Lines of 
Descent Represented in a Popidation, by Franz Boas ; The Question 
of the Zodiac in America, by Herbert J. Spinden ; and Notes on Ex- 
plorations of Martha's Vineyard, by S. J. Guernsey. 

Where Roger Williams Lived in Salem is the subject discussed by 
Sidney Perley in the opening pages of the Historical Collections of 
the Essex Institute for April. The same writer contributes another 
article entitled Part of Salem Village in 1700. 

A forty-page article on Indian Treaties Affecting Lands in the 
Present State of Illinois, by Frank R. Grover, is the opening con- 
tribution in the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society for 
October. Many of these treaties also have a bearing on Iowa his- 
tory. General Grant, Judge William H. Green and N. B. Thistle- 
wood, of Cairo, Illinois is the title of an article by John M. Lansden. 
Among the remaining contributions is one by "W. T. Norton, on 
Forgotten Statesmen of Illinois: Hon. Robert Smith. 

Lawrence C. Wroth is the writer of a monograph on The First 
Sixty Years of the Church of England in Maryland, 1632-1692,. 
which is given first place in the March number of the Maryland His- 
torical Magazine. There are continuations of Uria Brown's Jour- 
nal; of the Journal of the Committee of Observation of the Middle- 
District of Frederick County, Maryland; and of Extracts from the 
Carroll Papers. 

Redfield Proctor, His Public Life and Services, by Prank C. Part- 
ridge ; Otter Creek in History, by Henry "W. Hill ; and a compilation 
of data concerning prominent men born in Vermont, by Dorman B> 


E. Kent, under the heading One Thousand Men, are among the con- 
tents of the Proceedings of the Vermont Historical Society for the 
Years 1913-1914. In Mr. Kent's list may be found the names of 
Lueien W. Berry, Henry T. Reed, Austin Adams, John A. Kasson, 
Leslie M. Shaw, Martin J. Wade, Josiah B. Grinnell, George Au- 
gustus Gates, Ansel Briggs, and others who have been prominent in 

The Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society for May 
opens with a Biographical Sketch of Major Henry T. Stanton, Poet 
and Journalist, of Kentucky, by J. Stoddard Johnston. Other 
articles are : A Sketch of the Life and Times of General Benjamin 
Logan, by Bessie T. Conkwright; The Census of Woodford County, 
Ky., 1800, by A. C. Quisenberry; and Jared De Mint, an Indian 
Episode in the Early History of Franklin County, by Leonna Jett 

New light upon a much discussed subject is furnished by William 
Edward Dunn in an article on The Spanish Search for La Salle's 
Colony, 1685-1689, which is published in the April number of The 
Southivestern Historical Quarterly. Clara M. Love is the writer of 
a History of the Cattle Industry in the Southtvest, a portion of 
which appears in this number. A brief article on The Beginnings of 
Mission Nuestra Senora del Refugio is contributed by Herbert E. 
Bolton. Finally, there is the eighteenth installment of British Cor- 
respondence Concerning Texas, edited by Ephraim Douglass Adams. 

Among the contributions in volume fifteen of the Jahrhuch der 
Deutsch-Amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschaft von Illinois, edit- 
ed by Julius Goebel, are the following: Francis Lieher: A Study of 
a Man and an Ideal, by Ernest Bruncken ; Aus der Friihzeit der 
deutschen Bewegung, consisting of two speeches on German Day, 
1891, at New York and Fort Madison, by Carl Schurz and Franz 
Sigel, respectively ; Karl Heinzen, Reformer, Poet and Literary 
Critic, by Paul 0. Schinnerer; The Premises and Significance of 
Atraham Lincoln's Letter to Theodore Canisius, by F. I. Herriott; 
and Recollections of a Forty -eight er, by Major Frederick Behlen- 



A timely article on Franklin and the Rule of Free Ships, Free 
Goods, by Simeon E. Baldwin, appears in the Proceedings of the 
American Antiquarian Society at the annual meeting held on Octo- 
ber 20, 1915. Virginia's Contribution to Science is the subject of an 
interesting article by Lyon G. Tyler. The Indian Myths of the 
Northwest, meaning the Pacific Northwest, are discussed by William 

D. Lyman. The remaining one hundred pages are taken up with 
part four of Clarence S. Brigham 's Bibliography of American News- 
papers, 1690-1820, this installment being devoted to the newspapers 
of Massachusetts, except those of Boston. 

Joseph Jackson is the contributor of an entertaining discussion of 
The Shakespeare Tradition in Philadelphia which appears in the 
April number of The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biog- 
raphy. Other items of interest among the contents are some Auto- 
biographical Letters of Peter S. Duponceau; Fanny Saltar's Rem- 
iniscences of Colonial Days in Philadelphia, contributed by Mrs. 

E. B. Hoskins; and Letters of Thomas Penn to Richard Hockley, 

The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society opens with an in- 
teresting paper on The Indian of the Northwest as Revealed by the 
Earliest Journals, by 0. B. Sperlin. A Tribute to John Minto is 
written by William Galloway. Harrison C. Dale contributes a brief 
discussion of the question. Did the Returning Astorians Use the 
South Pass?, together with a letter bearing on that subject written 
in 1856 by Ramsay Crooks. A Hudson's Bay Company Contract of 
the year 1850, and another section of the Correspondence of the Rev- 
erend Ezra Fisher complete the contents. 

A lengthy, illustrated article on Les medailles decernees aux 
Indiens d'Amerique, by Victor Morin, which appears in the Trans- 
actions of the Royal Society of Canada for December, is a valuable 
contribution to the history of the relations between the Indians and 
the various civilized nations that have had dealings with them. 
Other articles are The Social Organization of the West Coast Tribes, 
by E. Sapir; and the fifth paper on An Organization of the Scien- 
tific Investigation of the Indian Place Nomenclature of the Maritime 


Provinces of Canada, by W. F. Ganong. In the March number, 
among other things, there is a long discussion of the Fundamental 
Processes in Historical Science, by Hervey M. Bowman. 

Under the heading of Work of Indexing Louisiana "Black 
Boxes", in volume eight of the Publications of the Louisiana His- 
torical Society, William Price tells of the valuable service which he 
has performed in indexing the early archives of Louisiana. The 
Black Code, by James J. McLoughlin; Bienville's Difficulties in the 
Founding of New Orleans, by Mrs. S. B. Elder ; Noblesse Oblige, by 
Gilbert Pemberton, in which the writer tells of the storm at New 
Orleans in 1722 and the disastrous fire of 1788; Original Contribu- 
tions of Louisiana to Medical Science, by Edmond Souehon; and 
A Statue Due Sieur de Bienville, by Mrs. S. B. Elder, are other 

The American Historical Review for April opens with a detailed 
account of The Meeting of the American Historical Association at 
Washington. Lynn Thorndike 's study of The True Roger Bacon is 
concluded in this number. The Political Theories of Calvinists be- 
fore the Puritan Exodus to America are discussed by Herbert Darl- 
ing Foster ; Slavery and Conversion in the American Colonies is the 
title of an article by Marcus W. Jernegan ; and the Influences which 
Determined the French Government to Make the Treaty with Amer- 
ica, 1778, are pointed out by Claude H. Van Tyne. The documents 
contained in this number have to do with the Relations betiveen the 
Vermont Separatists and Great Britain, 1789-1791, and are edited 
by S. F. Bemis. 

An unsigned article on Ohio History and National History occu- 
pies the opening pages in the Ohio Archaeological and Historical 
Quarterly for April. Then follow the proceedings of the ninth an- 
nual meeting of the Ohio Valley Historical Association, including 
the following papers: Woman's Suffrage in the Constitutional Con- 
vention of Ohio, by D. C. Shilling; Early Religious Movements in 
Pittsburgh, by Homer J. Webster; Early Religious Movements in 
the Muskingum Valley, by C. L. Martzolff ; Early Newspapers in the 
Virginias, by Henry S. Green ; Influences of Early Religious Liter- 



ature in the Ohio Valley from 1815 to 1850, by Mrs. Irene D. Corn- 
well; Location of Site of Ohio Capitol, by E. 0. Randall; and The 
Centennial Churches of the Miami Valley, by J. E. Bradford. Fi- 
nally, Felix J. Koch contributes a brief note entitled This Monument 
is Older than the Great Pyramids. 

An exceedingly valuable contribution to the source materials for 
the study of Indian affairs is to be found in the Letters of Benjamin 
Hawkins 1796-1806 which have recently been published in volume 
nine of the Collections of the Georgia Historical Society. Benjamin 
Hawkins was for a time a member of Washington 's staff during the 
Revolutionary War, he served in the legislature of North Carolina, 
was a Delegate to the Continental Congress, and one of the first 
United States Senators from North Carolina. But he rendered his 
greatest service as "agent of the United States among the Creeks 
and general superintendent of all the tribes south of the Ohio Riv- 
er" during the two decades following his appointment in 1796. The 
record of his labors in this capacity is partly to be found in the let- 
ters now published. It is said in a biographical introduction that he 
"was far above the average Indian agent of that day and of this in 
general culture and grasp of affairs. Further, he was a man of ap- 
proved honesty, and his life, as seen in his published letters, shows 
clearly that he was devoted to the material upbuilding of the Indians 
under his care and to their intellectual advancement." 

The Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin at 
the sixty-third annual meeting held on October 21, 1915, have been 
issued in a form more attractive than that of preceding volumes. 
Especially is the improvement noticeable in the type and printing. 
The principal address at the meeting was one by Gaillard Hunt on 
The President of the United States. Other papers are: The Settle- 
ment of the Town of Lebanon, Dodge County, by W. F. Whyte; 
Remains of a French Post Near Trempealeau, by Eben D. Pierce, 
George H. Squier, and Louise Phelps Kellogg; Chicago's First 
Great Lawsuit, by Eugene E. Prussing; A Forgotten Community : 
A Record of Rock Island, the Threshold of Wisconsin, by Hjalmar 
R. Holand; and British Policy on the Canadian Frontier, 1782-92: 
Mediation and an Indian Barrier State, by Orpha E. Leavitt. 


Finally, there are some valuable and interesting Extracts from 
Capt. McKay's Journal — ajid Others concerning the early ex- 
ploration of the upper Missouri River, edited with introduction and 
notes by Milo M. Quaife. 

Verner W. Crane is the writer of an article on The Tennessee 
River as the Road to Carolina: The Beginnings of Exploration and 
Trade which is printed in the June number of The Mississippi Val- 
ley Historical Review. The article furnishes some new light on cer- 
tain Indian tribes, early French explorations, and on the struggle 
between the French and the English for the control of the Missis- 
sippi Valley. In a paper entitled Virginia and the West: An Inter- 
pretation Clarence W. Alvord sets forth a new viewpoint for the 
study of the forces which culminated in the acquisition of the Old 
Northwest by the United States. The Economic History of Amer- 
ican Agrictdture as a Field for Study is the title of an interesting 
and suggestive paper read by Louis B. Schmidt before the American 
Historical Association last winter. Arthur C. Cole presents a sur- 
vey of Historical Activities in the Old Northwest during the past 
year. Under the heading of "Notes and Documents" there is a 
brief discussion of the well-known facts concerning The loiva-Mis- 
souri Disputed Boundary, by Claude S. Larzelere. A letter sup- 
posed to have been written by William Henry Harrison in 1802 is 
contributed by Harlow Lindley ; while Bernard C. Steiner contrib- 
utes two letters written in 1800 by Uriah Tracy discussing condi- 
tions in the Old Northwest. 


There appears to be a movement in Mahaska County in favor of 
the organization of a county historical society — a movement which, 
it is hoped, will meet with success in the near future. 

The Allamakee County Historical and Archaeological Society has 
been holding monthly meetings, and the reports indicate a growing 
interest in the history of the county. Several papers on various 
phases of Allamakee County history have been prepared and pre- 
sented to the Society. 



Among the recent acquisitions of the Chicago Historical Society- 
is a collection of about three thousand papers of the Law family of 
Green Bay. The papers relate chiefly to the fur trade in the Old 

The Jefferson County Historical Society held a meeting at Fair- 
field on June 7th. The principal paper was one by Mr. J. W. Mc- 
Lean on the methods of threshing grain in the early days. The 
Society voted to abandon its efforts to secure a marker for the old 
State fair grounds in Fairfield. 

At the annual meeting of the Maryland Historical Society held 
on February 14th, Mr. Edwin Warfield was reelected president. 
The membership of the Society at that time numbered six hundred 
and eighty-three. 

Mr. Clarence S. Paine, secretary of the Mississippi Valley His- 
torical Association and of the Nebraska State Historical Society, 
died on June 14, 1916. Mr. Paine was one of the most enthusiastic 
and effective workers in the cause of history in the Middle West; 
and to him more than to anyone else was due the credit for organ- 
izing the Mississippi Valley Historical Association. The loss of his 
services will be keenly felt. 

The Page County Historical Society held a meeting at Clarinda 
on June 15th. Short talks on the importance and functions of a 
local historical society were made by Dr. Dan E. Clark of The State 
Historical Society of Iowa and Mr. Edgar R. Harlan of the His- 
torical Department of Iowa. There were also reminiscences by a 
number of pioneers. The purpose of the meeting, which was well 
attended, was to arouse enthusiasm in the county historical society. 

Professor Melvin R. Gilmore, formerly curator of the State His- 
torical Museum at Lincoln, Nebraska, has been appointed curator of 
the library and museum of the North Dakota Historical Society at 
Bismarck, to succeed Mr. Herbert C. Fish. 

A committee of five has been appointed by the president of The 
State Historical Society of Missouri to formulate plans for the prop- 
er celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the admission of 

VOL. XIV — 31 


Missouri into the Union. A committee of one thousand, consisting 
of citizens representing all sections and interests of the State will 
also be appointed. 

The thirteenth annual meeting of the Madison County Historical 
Society was held at Winterset on April 25, 1916. Blair Wolf read 
a poem on The Pioneers; E. R. Zeller presented a biographical 
sketch of Alfred D. Jones, an early surveyor; and Olynthus B. 
Clark delivered an address entitled Advertising Iowa. The election 
of officers resulted as follows: H. A. Mueller, president; W. W. 
Gentry, vice president; E. R. Zeller, secretary; and Blair Wolf, 
M. C. Leinard, John Anderson, and Laura J. Miller, directors. 

Mrs. Adele B. Looscan was chosen president, and Professor 
Charles W. Ramsdell secretary-treasurer, of the Texas State His- 
torical Association at the annual meeting held on March 2, 1916. 
The Association will give its support to the plan for the celebration 
of the bi-centennial of the founding of San Antonio. 

The Historical Department of Iowa, under the direction of 
Curator Edgar R. Harlan, has recently begun to use the moving- 
picture machine for the purpose of recording current events which 
will be of historical interest in future years. Among the activities 
of the Department along this line has been the taking of moving 
pictures of the Iowa troops at Camp Dodge. Curator Harlan has 
also been very active in promoting interest in the marking of his- 
toric sites in various parts of the State. The spot at Red Rock 
where George Harrison began to survey the boundary line of 1843 
will be suitably marked when the exact location has been deter- 
mined. The Department was given a small appropriation by the 
last General Assembly with which to aid local organizations in 
marking historic sites. The portrait galleries in the historical build- 
ing have been redecorated and many additions have been made to 
the art collection. 

The ninth annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical As- 
sociation was held at Nashville, Tennessee, on April 27-29, 1916. 
There were also joint sessions with the Tennessee Historical Society, 
the Ohio Valley Historical Association, and the Tennessee History 



Teach.ers' Association. Southern history received special emphasis 
in the papers read at this meeting, while more than the usual amount 
of attention was also paid to military history. Professor Frederic 
L. Paxson of the University of Wisconsin was elected president for 
the coming year, and Mr. Clarence S. Paine was reelected as secre- 
tary-treasurer. The membership dues were raised to three dollars. 
It was also voted to place the publication of the Proceedings of the 
Association in the hands of the board of editors which now has 
charge of The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. This will prob- 
ably mean that many of the papers read at the meetings of the As- 
sociation will hereafter be published in the Review. 


Mr. John Pftffner has been added to the research staff of the 
Society for the present summer. 

Professor Louis B. Schmidt of the Iowa State College of Agri- 
culture and Mechanic Arts has been made a member of the non- 
resident research staff of the Society. His work will be along the 
line of the agricultural history of Iowa. 

Mr. Odis K. Patton, Mr. John E. Briggs, and Mr. Ivan L. Pollock, 
all of whom are members of the research staff of the Society, re- 
ceived the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the State University 
of Iowa in June. 

At the monthly meeting of the Board of Curators on July 5, 1916, 
Mr. Euclid Sanders was reelected president of the Society, and Mr. 
Paul A. Korab was reelected treasurer. 

Professor Benj. F. Shambaugh, the Superintendent of the Society, 
spoke at Ames on May 8th under the auspices of the Applied Social 
Science Club on the subject of The Commission-Manager Plan of 
Municipal Government. 

The Board of Curators at the monthly meeting on July 5th 
changed the title of the position held by Dr. Dan E. Clark to that of 
Associate Editor ; while Miss Ruth A. Gallaher was promoted to the 
position of Library Research Associate. 


Dr. Louis Pelzer of the State University of Iowa, a member of 
the Society and the author of a number of its publications, read a 
paper on Activities and Scenes at Old Fort Leavenworth before the 
Mississippi Valley Historical Association at Nashville in April. 

Dr. John C. Parish of Colorado Springs is spending the summer 
in Iowa City as a member of the research staff of the Society. At 
present Dr. Parish is a professor of history in Colorado College. 

Mr. J. A. Swisher, General Assistant in the Society, was the win- 
ner this year of the third of the Norman Wait Harris Prizes offered 
by Mr. N. W. Harris of Chicago for the best essays in the field of 
political science written by undergraduate students in any college 
or university in six States of the Middle West. Mr. Swisher's sub- 
ject was The Reorganization of the Executive Department of the 
State Government of Iowa. 

Governor Clarke has appointed the following persons as non- 
resident Curators of The State Historical Society of Iowa for the 
coming two years : Mr. Marsh W. Bailey of Washington, Mr. J. P. 
Cruikshank of Fort Madison, Mr. M. P. Edwards of Parkersburg, 
Mr. J. J. McConnell of Cedar Rapids, Mr. John T. MofiQt of Tipton, 
Mr. Byron W. Newberry of Strawberry Point, Dean E. W. Stanton 
of Ames, Judge W. H. Tedford of Corydon, and Mr. J. B. Weaver 
of Des Moines. 

The following persons have recently been elected to membership 
in the Society : Mrs. E. L. Bower, Guthrie Center, Iowa ; Mrs. B. G. 
Davies, Castana, Iowa; Mr. 0. A. Garretson, Salem, Iowa; Mrs. 
E. M. Golding, Glidden, Iowa ; Mr. C. E. Greef, Eldora, Iowa ; Mrs. 

B. N. Hendricks, Riceville, Iowa; Mr. H. W. Raymond, Chariton, 
Iowa ; Mr. C. L. Robinson, Norwalk, Iowa ; Dr. Daniel Sickler, 
Ogden, Iowa ; Mr. W. Sehmedika, Radcliffe, Iowa ; Mrs. Ida Kendall 
Simonds, Onawa, Iowa; Mr. Walter W. White, Spirit Lake, Iowa; 
Mr. William D. Boies, Sheldon, Iowa; Mr. Ralph G. Grassfield, 
Newton, Iowa ; Mr. D. Sands Wright, Cedar Palls, Iowa ; Mrs. Dixie 

C. Gebhardt, Knoxville, Iowa; and Mr. Le Roy A. Rader, Alta, 
Iowa. J\lr. W. P. Moore of Guthrie Center, Iowa, has been elected 
to life membership in the Society. 


An imusually large collection of Indian arrow-heads and other 
relies is in the possession of Mr. E. R. Ballard of West Union, Iowa. 

William B. Martin, who was Secretary of State of Iowa from 
1901 to 1907, died in Des Moines on June 11, 1916. Mr. Martin 
was also a Representative in the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth 
General Assemblies of Iowa. 

Availing themselves of the provisions of the law, the supervisors 
of Crawford County have voted to erect a soldiers' monument on 
the courthouse square, to cost not more than ten thousand dollars. 

State Superintendent A. M. Deyoe has sent out a request that 
October 20th be observed as Iowa Day in all the public schools of 
the State. It is planned that on that day special attention will be 
given to the history, people, resources, and industries of Iowa. 

The class in anthropology at the State University of Iowa, under 
the direction of Dr. Lorin Stuckey, made an investigation this 
spring of the Indian mounds along the Iowa River in Johnson 

Professor Carl L. Becker of the University of Kansas has ac- 
cepted a position as professor of history in the University of Min- 

Mr. Henry Field of Shenandoah has purchased a five-acre tract 
of land which was once the site of a Mormon village known as 
Manti, established in 1847. A graveyard and an old house are the 
only reminders of the old village. Mr, Field will make his summer 
home on the land which he has purchased. 

Colonel Charles Cummins Horton, Commandant of the Iowa Sol- 
diers' Home at Marshalltown from 1897 to March of the present 
year, died on April 21, 1916. Colonel Horton was born in New 



York in 1839, and came to Iowa with his parents in 1848, settling 
at Muscatine. During the Civil War he rose from the rank of pri- 
vate to that of lieutenant colonel of the Second Iowa Cavalry. 

The Fort Dodge chapter of the Daughters of the American Revo- 
lution will preserve and restore to its original appearance the log 
cabin in Oleson Park in that city, which was a part of the old fort 
and which is doubtless the oldest building in that city. 

The University of Texas, the University of California, the Li- 
brary of Congress, and the Texas State Library are cooperating in 
financing the transcription of documents in the archives of Seville, 
Spain, bearing on the history of Texas and the Southwest. The 
work is being done by Mr. William E. Dunn of the University of 

A newspaper item states that the Allison memorial on the capitol 
grounds at Des Moines will not be completed as soon as expected, 
owing to the increase in the cost of materials and the lack of skilled 

Benjamin P. Birdsall was born in Wisconsin in 1858. His edu- 
cation was received in the common schools of Iowa and in the law 
department of the State University of Iowa. He was District 
Judge of the eleventh district from 1893 to 1900, and in 1903 he 
succeeded David B. Henderson as Representative in Congress from 
the Third Congressional District, a position which he held until 
1909. Judge Birdsall died at his home in Clarion on May 16, 1916. 

The city council of Oskaloosa has given to the city of Council 
Bluffs permission to erect a replica of the statue of Chief Mahaska 
which stands in the city park at Oskaloosa. Permission has also 
been granted by the donor and sculptor of the original statue. Mr. 
Edgar R. Harlan, Curator of the Historical Department of Iowa, 
conducted the negotiations which resulted in this agreement. It is 
the plan to erect the replica monument in Council Bluffs to mark 
the western end of the Mormon Trail across Iowa. 

A fine oil portrait of Theodore Sutton Parvin has been presented 
to the State University of Iowa by his former pupils and friends. 



Mr. Parvin, who died in 1901, was one of Iowa's best known citi- 
zens. He was private secretary to Robert Lucas, the first Terri- 
torial Governor of Iowa ; and during the following half-century he 
witnessed the upbuilding of a State from a few frontier settlements. 
For nine years he was professor of natural history in the State 
University. He was a prominent member of the Masonic fraternity 
in Iowa; and was for many years the secretary of the State His- 
torical Society of Iowa. It may be said that no other man of his 
period was so actively interested in the preservation and recording 
of the pioneer history of Iowa. 

For nearly ten years there has been in operation in Cedar Rapids 
a business known as the Torch Press Book Shop, conducted by Mr. 
William H. Miner. This was the first and only enterprise of the 
kind in Iowa, and during the years since its establishment it has met 
the success which it has deserved. It has been the means of re- 
claiming and rendering accessible to collectors and public libraries 
thousands of rare and valuable books; and its name has become 
known throughout the country. Now there comes the announcement 
that there has been established at 3518-3522 Franklin Avenue, St. 
Louis, a bookselling business known as "The "William Harvey 
Miner Company, Inc., Antiquarian Booksellers and Importers", 
with the intention of "continuing the work and upholding the 
ideals of the Torch Press Book Shop ' '. Mr. Miner is the president 
of the new company, and Mr. Luther A. Brewer the vice president. 

The one hundredth anniversary of the founding of Fort Arm- 
strong was fittingly observed on Rock Island and in the cities of 
Rock Island, Moline, and Davenport during the week of June 18th 
to 24th. The movement for the celebration was originated by the 
Rock Island County Historical Society and the Historical Section 
of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, and it was under the direc- 
tion of these organizations that the exercises were conducted. Be- 
ginning with sermons in the various churches, there were addresses, 
picnics, parades, fireworks, and pageants (both in the daytime and 
at night), including an illuminated river pageant. One of the 
chief points of interest during the celebration was the old block- 
house on Rock Island. The presence of a descendant of Black 


Hawk, the great Indian leader, added to the interest of the occa- 
sion. A fine collection of relics of the early days was on display in 
the rooms of the Davenport Academy of Sciences. Altogether, the 
celebration was a decided success and attracted a large number of 


Jacob Van deb Zee, Assistant Professor of Political Science 
in The State University of Iowa. (See The Iowa Journal op 
History and Politics for January, 1913, p. 142.) 

EuTH A. Gallahek, Library Eesearch Associate in The 
State Historical Society of Iowa. (See The Iowa Journal op 
History and Politics for January, 1916, p. 156.) 

Dan Elbert Clark, Associate Editor in The State His- 
torical Society of Iowa. (See The Iowa Journal of History 
AND Politics for April, 1915, p. 307.) 




LooATSD A* Iowa City Iowa 


& jr. KntKWOOD 

JAMES W. QEIMES, First President 






PATJL A. KOBAB • • Tbiasotk 

, Skcbbtabt 

Elected hy the Society Appointed hy the Governor 

J. W. EiOH Henbt G. WALKEa Maesh W, Bailey John T. Moffit 

BtJCLiD Sandkes Hbnby Albert J. P. CExnKSHANK Bteon W. Newbiseey 

. Abthub J. Cox S. A, Swisheb M. F. Edwabds E. W. Stanton 

Mabvin H. Dby Chaeles M. Dotohbe J. J. McConnkll W. H. Tedfoed 

Geo: E. Gbieb J- B. Weaves 


Any person may become' a member of Thb State HisroEiOAii Society of 
Iowa upon election by the Board of Curators and the payment of an entrance fee 
of $3.00. 

Membership in this Society may be retained after the first year upon the 
payment of $3.00 annually. 

Members of the Society shall be entitled to receive the quarterly and all other 
publications of the Society during the continuance of their membership. 

Address all Communicaiions to 
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Iowa Journal 



Published Qucvrtcrlyby 


lowat City low^ 

Entered December 28 1902 a$ lowri 

tinder act oi CongrcM oi July 18 1894 

B E N J A M I N F . S H A M B A UGH 
Associate Editor, D,AN E. CLARK 

Vol XIV 


No 4 


The Opening of the Des Mpines Valley to Settlement 

Jacob Vak der Zee 479 

Indian Agents in Iowa. II — Agents at the Winnebago, St. 
Peter's, Council Bluffs, and Tama Agencies 

iluTH A. Gallaher 559 

Some Publications 597 

Western Americana ...... -601 

lowana ........... 608 

Historical Societies 611 

Notes and Conament 619 

Contributors 621 

Index 623 

Copi/rifj! : " Ijij 'llic State Historical Society of Iowa 


' ' I M (1 I A It T E R L Y 

S U B B r . I / • ' . ' . , . S I N ]. E N C M B E H : 5 CENTS 

■ ' Communirdi (c 
The STA'iL ' 'Society Iowa City Iowa 



VOL. XIV — 32 



[For an article by Mr. Van der Zee, dealing with the earlier history of the 
Des Moines Valley, see The Iowa Journal of Histoey and Politics for July, 
1916. — Editor] 


The wilderness tract just above the mouth of the Des 
Moines River was a region which was early frequented by 
fur traders. Near the Sac Indian village Louis Tesson 
(nicknamed Honore) had received a land grant from the 
Spanish government, and there he had set up a little fron- 
tier establishment. How long he stayed and who lived upon 
his land afterwards can not be ascertained, but about the 
year 1806 Tesson transferred his land to Joseph Robidoux 
of St. Louis in satisfaction of a debt. In 1810 Robidoux 's 
estate was sold and Thomas F. Riddick became the new 
owner. The United States government in 1816 confirmed 
Riddick 's title to six hundred and forty acres, instead of to 
a league square which he claimed. Whether the land was 
actually occupied during this time and for some years later 
must be left to conjecture. There is no certain evidence in 
the fragmentary records now available, but inasmuch as an 
Indian village stood near by there is good reason to believe 
that some sort of a settlement was maintained on the site of 
the present town of Montrose.^ During the years of the 
War of 1812 Americans were driven from the neighborhood 
by the Indian allies of the British and not until after peace 
was restored in 1815 could American subjects feel safe in 
this region. 

1 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 239, 240. 



John C. Sullivan was engaged in 1816 to locate the north- 
ern boundary of the Osage Indian land cession in the Terri- 
tory of Missouri. He was the first surveyor in this part of 
the public domain, and he ran a line which thirty-four years 
later definitely became the Iowa-Missouri boundary. Run- 
ning east and west the line stopped at the middle of the 
channel of the Des Moines River and if extended to what 
have long been called the Des Moines Rapids of the Missis- 
sippi would have deprived the State of Iowa of its tongue- 
shaped southeastern corner. This area, however, was then 
in possession of the Sac Indians and therefore was not 
within the power of the Osage Indians to cede.^ It was a 
tract, too, that was destined to attain unusual historical 
significance within the next two or three decades. 

Besides the events which took place there in connection 
with the operations of the fur traders (of which compara- 
tively little is known), practically nothing can be said con- 
cerning the human habitation of that part of the Des Moines 
Valley until tradition tells of the building of a log cabin 
upon the site of the present city of Keokuk in 1820. Dr. 
Samuel C. Muir, an Edinburgh University graduate then 
performing the duties of surgeon at Fort Edwards just 
across the Mississippi, is reported to have constructed the 
cabin for the accommodation of his Sac Indian wife and 
five children. Tradition also tells how, when United States 
army officers and attaches were ordered to terminate rela- 
tions with Indian women, Muir resigned his position, leased 
his property to Otis Reynolds and John Culver, and for 
several years practised medicine in northern Missouri and 
at Galena, Illinois.^ 

Isaac R. Campbell visited the locality in the month of 
June, 1821, and noted Muir's cabin. Six miles north, on 

2 The Iowa Journax, of History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 28, 29. 
s Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. V, pp. 889, 890. 


the present site of Sandusky Station, stood the trading post 
of Monsieur Lemoliese. According to Campbell's reminis- 
cences, recorded forty-six years later, "Lemoliese had a 
very amiable lady for a wife, who was fond of dress. She 
frequently, to please him, arrayed her person in gown, bon- 
net and shoes, but could not be prevailed upon to continue 
the costume, as her native garb, the blanket and petticoat, 
were more congenial to her feelings and taste." One mile 
above Lemoliese lived another trader, Maurice Blondeau, 
who was half Frenchman and half Fox Indian. On the 
spot where the town of Montrose now stands Campbell 
found the remains of a deserted trading house in the midst 
of an orchard of apple trees. This no doubt describes Tes- 
son's old Spanish grant as it appeared in the year 1821. 
Just above was the Sac village of Chief Cut Nose. Such is 
the picture of life in that part of the Iowa country, the 
nearest white settlements upon the frontier being situated 
to the east in Illinois and to the south in the State of Mis- 
souri, then but recently admitted into the Union. During 
the next four years Campbell visited these wilderness 
scenes more than once. He recalls a journey by ox team 
and wagon from his farm in Missouri to the Sac village : he 
and his Indian guide were compelled to swim their oxen 
across the swollen Des Moines Eiver and to transport the 
wagon upon a raft which they constructed.* 

In the summer of 1824 ten Sac and Fox chiefs, accom- 
panied by their trader, B. Vasquez, as interpreter, Maurice 
Blondeau, Louis Tesson, and John W. Johnson, formerly 
government factor at old Fort Madison, journeyed east- 
ward to consult the President of the United States at Wash- 
ington. On the fourth day of August they signed a treaty 
relinquishing all the claims of their tribes to lands within 
the lim its of the new State of Missouri on condition "that 

* Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. V, pp. 883, 884, 885. 


the small tract of land lying between the rivers Desmoin 
and the Mississippi, and the section of the above line [the 
Sullivan or Old Indian Boundary projected eastward] be- 
tween the Mississippi and the Desmoin, is intended for the 
use of the half-breeds belonging to the Sock and Fox na- 
tions." One may be sure that the Indians themselves were 
not so desirous of this grant as were the fathers of children 
by Indian mothers. In fact the men who witnessed the 
treaty were inhabitants or sometime residents of the coun- 
try established for the Sac and Fox half-breeds.^ 

Records of life upon the Half-breed Tract are very 
meager and not altogether satisfactory, but since they con- 
stitute the history of the first permanent settlement in Iowa, 
a brief narrative of events in this region may properly be 
presented here. According to the reminiscences of a pio- 
neer. Dr. Samuel C. Muir left **The Point" or "Puck-e-she- 
tuck" (Foot of the Rapids) sometime after 1820. What 
the lessees of his log cabin, Reynolds and Culver, did at this 
place is not reported, but they were probably engaged in 
the Indian trade. In 1828 they stationed here their agent 
and representative, Moses Stillwell, who came with his wife 
and four children and a brother-in-law by the name of 
Valencourt Vanorsdoll. They cut and sold fire-wood to 
passing steamboats and carried on trade with the Indians. 
Stillwell died six years later; while Vanorsdoll came to be 
called "the oldest continuous white citizen in the State of 
Iowa", being still alive in 1879.*^ 

On the morning of July 4, 1829, amid the booming of can- 
non, men and women bound for points north in Illinois and 
Wisconsin disembarked at what certain gentlemen on the 
steamboat at the suggestion of George Davenport had 

s See The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 151, 152. 
8 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 153-155; The 
History of Lee County, Iowa (1879), pp. 333, 334. 


agreed to call "Keeokuk", the capital of the Half-breed 
Tract and a village containing about twenty Indian fami- 
lies, an American Fur Company store, and a tavern. A 
passenger upon the steamboat at this time reported the 
reservation as the common property of about forty-two 
half-breeds, only a few of whom had actually made clear- 
ings or settlements. Steamboats were at that time un- 
loaded upon the Iowa shore and thus lightened were enabled 
to make their way up the shallow rapids of the Mississippi. 
Then after several days delay passengers and goods re- 
sumed the journey. Some miles north of "Keeokuk" lived 
Maurice Blondeau with his Indian wife and daughters, 
"well educated, well read, and accomplished young ladies", 
and just above his establishment stood a little Sac village of 
forty or fifty persons. Blondeau died in the month of 
August of this year, leaving his brother-in-law, Andrew St. 
Amant, in charge of his plantation.''' 

The American Fur Company had erected as business 
headquarters at Keokuk a row of hewed log buildings which 
afterwards went by the undignified name of "Rat Row". 
In the year 1830 Russell Farnham was the Company's man- 
ager here; Joshua Palen, Mark Aldridge, and Edward 
Brishnell were clerks ; Francis Labashure and a Menominee 
Indian named Baptiste or Battise served as interpreters; 
while John Connolly, John Forsyth, James Thorn, and John 
Tolm^an acted as itinerant peddlers and collectors of furs: 
"all having Indian women for wives, were very popular as 
drummers with the various bands of Indians." Andrew 
St. Amant, Baptiste Neddeau, Bruseau, and Paul Bessette, 
all indirectly connected with John Jacob Astor's enterprise 
in various capacities, were also among the first settlers. 
Dr. Samuel C. Muir returned to his log building at Keokuk 

7 The Iowa Journal op History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 155, 156 ; The 
History of Lee County, Iowa (1879), pp. 333, 334. 


in 1830 and early in the following year Isaac R. Campbell 
joined Mm in the mercantile business as Indian traders.^ 

The beginnings of the present town of Galland date from 
the year 1829 when Dr. Isaac Galland selected and settled 
upon a spot seven miles north of Keokuk or about one mile 
north of Maurice Blondeau's farm. Believing that this 
place was destined to become a great commercial city on 
account of its position near the rapids, he did everything in 
his power to promote its growth and prosperity. Here in 
1830 was born to Mr. and Mrs. Galland a daughter, Eleanor, 
who bears the distinction of being the first white child born 
in the Iowa country. Hither Mr. and Mrs. Isaac R. Camp- 
bell removed from Illinois in the same year. Here also the 
first school teacher in the Iowa wilderness saw service — 
Berryman Jennings, later an Oregon millionaire.^ 

The number of settlers or squatters upon the Half-breed 
Tract about this time is unknown, but that the Sac and Fox 
Indians, and especially the half-breeds, viewed the tres- 
passing whites with alarm is evident from the fact that they 
petitioned the President of the United States in 1829 and 
again in 1830 to survey and divide the reservation for the 
half-breeds living at the time of the treaty in 1824. They 
asked that their "Father" remove all whites "except a fa- 
ther, a husband, or wife of any of the half-breeds" or any 
agent or trader licensed by the government, and they want- 
ed the sale of intoxicating liquors prohibited on the Tract. 
The citizens of the State of Missouri about the same time 
memorialized Congress to add the reservation to their Com- 
monwealth on account of its future commercial importance. 

In October, 1831, John "W. Johnson, whose daughters 
were among the tenants-in-common of the Tract, urged a 

s Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. V, pp. 889, 890. 

9 Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. V, pp. 887, 888; see The History of Lee 
County, Iowa (1879), p. 167. 


division and asked for a school for about one hundred In- 
dian and half-breed children. John Connolly emphasized 
the need of laying out a town at * ' Keokuck ' ' on account of 
its favorable situation for the commerce of the Mississippi : 
the survey and division of the half-breed lands would at- 
tract "many men of capital and high standing". Another 
man familiar with conditions upon the Tract recommended 
the employment of a Catholic priest to look after the educa- 
tion and religion of the half-breeds, because most of their 
fathers were French Catholics. During the spring and , 
autumn of 1832 United States government employees sur- 
veyed the town-site of Keokuk, one mile square, and also 
laid out the town of Montrose on Tesson's old Spanish land 
grant. By March 12, 1833, the whole Half-breed Tract had 
been surveyed, but not until several months later was it 
divided among the half-breed claimants.^** 

The pioneer historian of the first permanent settlement 
in the Iowa country recorded the death of Dr. Samuel C. 
Muir, due to an epidemic of cholera which raged through- 
out the Mississippi Valley in 1832. The population in- 
creased slightly about this time, and as a result trade com- 
petition became more intense. The American Fur Com- 
pany accordingly sold its buildings at Keokuk to Isaac 
Campbell who, besides furnishing entertainment to the 
traveling public and towing and lightening steamboats 
around the rapids, cleared and fenced over twenty acres of 
land for corn and potatoes and supplied Indians, half- 
breeds, and whites with all the necessaries of life. Frontier 
society at Keokuk was typically crude and rough, as may be 
gathered from the historical accounts of life in this region.^^ 
In 1833, in accordance with the terms of the treaty which 
closed the Black Hawk War in September, 1832, the occu- 

10 The Iowa Jouenal of History and Politics, Vol. XIII, pp. 161-163. 
i-i Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. V, pp. 890, 892, 893. 


pants of the Sac village removed, leaving the few whites 
upon the half-breed lands tenants by sufferance. 


Alive to the future danger from Indians west of the Mis- 
sissippi and mindful of the expense of life and money in- 
curred by the Black Hawk War of 1832, Congress in 1833 
made provision for the better defense of the frontier by 
authorizing the establishment of a regiment of dragoons, 
with headquarters at Jefferson Barracks near St. Louis. 
Congress thus appears to have given ear to the words of 
Secretary of War Lewis Cass when he said: "We owe pro- 
tection to the emigrants, and it has been solemnly promised 
to them; and this duty can only be fulfilled by repressing 
and punishing every attempt to disturb the general tran- 
quillity. Policy and humanity equally dictate this course; 
and there is reason to hope that the display of this force will 
itself render unnecessary its hostile employment. "^^ 

On the nineteenth day of May, 1834, scarcely a year after 
emigrants began to pour into the eastern Iowa wilderness. 
Lieutenant Colonel Stephen W. Kearny was ordered to take 
up winter quarters near the mouth of the Des Moines River 
with the dragoon companies of Captains Sumner, Boone, 
and Browne. Quartermaster George H. Crosman was sent 
ahead with a number of men to build barracks and stables. 
Just north of the apple orchard on Louis Tesson's old 
Spanish land grant Crosman selected a site for the build- 
ings. Materials for the stables were prepared at St. Louis, 
brought up by boat, and put together on the ground. 
William Skinner, a Keokuk settler, received a contract to 
make twenty thousand clapboards at twenty dollars per 
thousand, delivered. Having completed this work by saw- 

1-2 Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 351 
13 Iowa Historical Record, Vol. VI, p. 524. 


ing up the best timber on the river bluffs between Keokuk 
and the site of the fort, he was engaged at sixty dollars per 
month to superintend the erection of log barracks to be 
used as sleeping-quarters and mess-rooms. Kearny's quar- 
ters were constructed of willow logs lightly "scutched" or 
''scarified". Skinner also made hay and otherwise pre- 
pared for the coming of the dragoon companies, while 
Alexander Cruikshank by means of a crude kiln produced 
lime for the government and built stone chimneys for the 

Setting out from the vicinity of Fort Gibson on the 
Arkansas River on the third day of September, Lieutenant 
Colonel Kearny, three captains, and one hundred and seven 
non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates com- 
pleted the long overland journey to the Des Moines River 
in three weeks, with horses none the worse for wear. Hav- 
ing undergone severe privations on an expedition to the 
plains of the far West during the winter and summer just 
past, and expecting to find their new quarters in a state of 
readiness, comfortable and convenient, the dragoons were 
not a little disappointed when called upon to help complete 
the buildings before winter weather set in. Such was the 
beginning of "Camp Des Moines, Michigan Territory", 
later called Fort Des Moines. 

Intended not as a permanent post but rather as a base for 
operations in the wilderness country farther west. Fort Des 
Moines did not play an important part in American mili- 
tary history. In the spring of 1835 the arrival of recruits 
increased the garrison to one hundred and fifty-seven men, 

a The History of Lee County (1879), pp. 380, 381, 382. 

IS Iowa Historical Eecord, Vol. VII, p. 114; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, p. 353 ; The Iowa Joubnal of Histoey and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 
180-182. This fort is usually referred to as Fort Des Moines No. 1 for the 
purpose of distinguishing it from the later post by the same name where the 
city of Des Moines now stands. 


and about the same time came orders for work to be done. 
Lieutenant Colonel Kearny obeyed, and setting out from 
Fort Des Moines on June 7th the three companies proceed- 
ed up the Des Moines Valley through an uninhabited coun- 
try. On their way to find the mouth of the Raccoon River 
they passed two Sac and Fox villages, and then directing 
their course northwestward, they came to the mouth of the 
Boone River, many miles north of the point which they ex- 
pected to visit. The dragoons then marched northeastward 
to Wabasha's Sioux village on the Mississippi, encounter- 
ing buffaloes on their way through a picturesque wilderness 
of hills, valleys, and stretches of prairie. 

After a week's encampment in the Minnesota country 
the expedition proceeded in a westward direction and then 
southward to the East Fork of the Des Moines. Fording 
this stream they descended to the Raccoon River, where 
Kearny examined the country for a suitable site for a fort 
and reported no spot especially desirable, although the 
point of land at the junction of the rivers answered the 
purpose best of all. Kearny expressed the opinion that if 
a new military post were needed to protect the Missouri 
frontiers, a fort at the Raccoon Fork would be too far 
away; and if it were needed to preserve peace between the 
Sac and Fox tribes and the Sioux, a better site could be 
found in the Neutral Ground on the upper Des Moines. 
Moreover, Kearny reported that, whatever the War De- 
partment saw fit to do, another military establishment in 
the Sac and Fox country was decidedly opposed by the In- 
dians because "the Whites would drive off the little game 
that is left in their country. "^"^ 

Kearny despatched Lieutenant Albert M. Lea, one pri- 
vate, and one Indian to descend the Des Moines in a cotton- 
wood "dug-out" for the purpose of ascertaining the 

16 Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 356, 357. 


practicability of navigation with keel-boats. Lea sounded 
all shoals, took courses with a pocket compass, estimated 
distances from bend to bend by the time and rate of motion, 
sketched every notable thing, and landed occasionally to 
examine the geology of the rocks. The little party reached 
Keokuk without accident and arrived at Fort Des Moines 
many days before the main body of dragoons, who returned 
on August 19th after a march of 1100 miles.^'^ Two mem- 
bers of the expeditionary force left records of the long 
journey: one kept a brief daily journal of events and an- 
other, Lieutenant Lea, availed himself of his experience on 
the expedition and of information gathered from survey- 
ors, traders, explorers, and residents to compile and pub- 
lish a booklet on the ''Iowa District" of what in 1836 be- 
came by act of Congress the Territory of Wisconsin. Lea's 
Notes on the new country were intended to appeal to emi- 
grants, speculators, and legislators.^^ A quotation from 
his general description of the Des Moines Valley may well 
be included here : 

The Des Moines River and its Tributaries afford fine lands, well 
diversified with wood and prairie, as far up as I am acquainted with 
them, some fifty miles above the "Upper Forks." There is much 
that is inviting in the general character of the country bordering 
on the Des Moines; level meadows, rolling woodlands, and deep 
forests, present themselves by turns. The soil is usually rich and 
productive: and when there are no natural springs, there is no 
difficulty in obtaining water, by digging, at almost any point in the 

Lea declared the Des Moines River navigable without 
difficulty for one hundred and seventy miles in a tolerable 
stage of water after the removal of some snags and loose 
rocks. For ninety-six miles more, as far as to the Raccoon 

17 Iowa Historical Eecord, Vol. VI, pp. 546-553 ; The Iowa Journal of His- 
TOEY AND Politics, Vol. VII, pp. 333, 364-378. 

18 Lea 's Notes on Wisconsin Territory, pp. iii, iv. 


Eiver, the channel was shallow, crooked, and filled with 
rocks, sand-bars, and snags, although keel-boats and per- 
haps even steamboats might navigate that portion of the 
stream during the spring and fall. Bituminous coal of ex- 
cellent quality was found abundantly along this portion of 
the river, and there were other mineral productions. Thus 
did Lieutenant Lea attempt "to place within reach of the 
public, correct information in regard to a very interesting 
portion of the Western country, especially that part of it 
known as the Iowa District". 

Nothing further of importance can be added to the his- 
tory of Fort Des Moines No. 1. Besides the evils of an un- 
healthful situation the fort experienced more desertions, it 
is said, than any other military post in the United States.^" 
In the autumn of 1836 a town had been laid out on the mile 
square on which the fort then stood; lots had been sold; 
and buildings had begun to appear. All this was the work 
of the heirs of Thomas F. Riddick to whom the land be- 
longed. Outside the new town-site other persons were set- 
ting up establishments with the object of selling liquor to 
the Indians and soldiers. Soon after the appearance of 
settlers, however, orders were issued that the post be 
broken up without delay, and accordingly the dragoons be- 
gan to make preparations to march away. Although the 
town boom had ceased in March, 1837, the government did 
not abandon its plan. Waiting until "the grass might be 
sufficiently high to afford grazing for the horses, as corn 
cannot be had on some parts of the route", the dragoons 
evacuated Fort Des Moines on the first day of June, 1837, 
and proceeded to Fort Leavenworth on the Missouri River. 

19 Lea 's Notes on Wisconsin Territory, pp. 24, 25. 

20 Annals of Imva (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 358, 359; The Iowa Journal 
OF History and Politics, Vol. XII, pp. 180, 181. 


Having notified the Secretary of War that the United States 
had intruded upon private lands and asking that the fort 
buildings and property be turned over in consideration of 
such illegal occupation, Eiddick's heirs, after many years 
of litigation to prove their title to the premises at last came 
into possession of their own.^^ 


The Indian title to the Black Hawk Purchase became ex- 
tinct on the first of June, 1833, and the fee simple then be- 
came vested in the government of the United States. Many 
persons at once crossed the Mississippi and others moved 
northward from the State of Missouri to squat upon the 
new public domain. The pioneer whites of the Half-breed 
Tract near the mouth of the Des Moines River thus received 
a slight accession to their population, and though all alike 
were trespassers in the eye of the law the government vir- 
tually made no attempt to remove them from the lands 
which they had selected. Immigration increased some- 
what in the year 1834 and claims became more and more 
numerous. In this year also Congress relinquished the gov- 
ernment's reversionary rights to the Half-breed Tract and 
the half-breed owners then began to sell their undivided 
shares to all who were speculative enough to invest. Conse- 
quently, owing to the unsettled condition of titles, few per- 
sons cared to settle and improve these lands, despite their 
excellent situation and fertility. The same was true of 
town lots at Keokuk.^^ 

In the spring of 1835 home-seekers began to come in 
larger numbers — some by wagon, others by boat — from 

21 Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 359, 360-362; The Iowa 
JouENAL OF History and Politics, Vol. XIII, p. 243. 

22 The History of Lee County (1879), pp. 379, 380. 

'is Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. X, pp. 451, 452, 460; Lea's Notes on 
Wisconsin Territory, pp. 18, 19, 26, 27, 35. 


New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, and Ken- 
tucky. Steamboats upon the Ohio and the Mississippi 
brought passengers and household and farm utensils, while 
ferry boats plied ceaselessly between the Iowa and the Illi- 
nois shores transporting the horses and wagons and live- 
stock of incoming settlers.^^ 

An English tourist described Keokuk in the autumn of 
1835 as ' ' the lowest and most blackguard place ' ' he had yet 
visited: *'its population is composed chiefly of the water- 
men who assist in loading and unloading the keel-boats, and 
in towing them up when the rapids are too strong for the 
steam-engines." These men were described as "a coarse 
and ferocious caricature of the London bargemen," whose 
chief occupation consisted in drinking, fighting, and 
gambling.2^ Unfortunately the traveler left no picture of 
the pioneers who had come to found homes and to clear and 
till farms in the wilderness. He might have found them 
dwelling in tents, wagons, log cabins, and other kinds of 
makeshifts. 2^ By that time, naturally enough, the best loca- 
tions for farms and towns had been picked out upon or 
near the Mississippi, the Des Moines, and other rivers, be- 
cause these avenues of nature aiforded the only ready 
means of travel and transportation, matters of prime im- 
portance in the life of wilderness inhabitants. The progress 
of the western movement in the space of two brief years 
was noted by a dragoon who wrote that the land was rap- 
idly being occupied "by emigrants from all the states & 
Europe. "^'^ Lieutenant Lea in the following words made 
much the same observation when he descended the Des 
Moines Kiver in August, 1835 : 

24 The History of Lee County (1879), p. 385. 

25 Murray's Travels in North America, Vol. II, p. 96. 
2« The History of Lee County (1879), p. 387. 

27 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. VII, p. 378. 


It is about seventy-five miles from the mouth, by water, to the 
Indian boundary. The lands, on both sides of the river, throughout 
the greater part of this distance, are exceedingly fertile, and many 
of them are covered with forests of the finest walnut, oak, ash, elm, 
and cherry; and back of these wooded bottoms are extensive 
prairies, both flat and rolling. The settlements have long since 
. . . . extended along the river entirely up to the line [now 
about the western boundary of Van Buren County] , and are begin- 
ning to spread out on either side, especially towards the head waters 
of Sugar creek [in Lee County] . There are already some extensive 
farms along this river, and others are in rapid progress.^^ 

Thus did the pioneers occupy unsurveyed government 
lands, individually respecting each other's rights to lands 
staked out as claims and collectively uniting to maintain 
their rights ''against any unjust action of the Government, 
or against any attempt at improper speculation by capital- 
ists at a distance. "^^ Immigration in 1836 increased very 
materially. Indeed, the rush is said to have been so great 
during the summer season "that the small ferry-boat at 
Fort IVIadison was kept busy almost day and night, crossing 
those who came by land", while others disembarked from 
steamboats at the landings at Keokuk and Fort IVIadison.^*' 
So many persons had flocked to the Black Hawk Purchase 
or, as it now came to be called, the Iowa District of Wis- 
consin Territory, that two more notable additions to the 
public domain of the United States were soon made by out- 
right purchases of Indian territory: the Sacs and Foxes 

28 Lea's Notes on Wisconsin Territory, p. 25. 

29 Lea 's Notes on Wisconsin Territory, p. 20. 

so Annals of Iowa (TMrd Series), Vol. VI, p. 5; The History of Lee County 
(1879), p. 3«8. 

In his S'ketches of Iowa (1841), p. 109, J. B. Newhall declared: 
"At the commencement of the settlements upon the Des Moines, so strik- 
ingly beautiful did the verdant banks appear, that every delighted settler 
fancied his farm possessed the peculiar attributes of a town site; hence, liter- 
ally, the farms were, at the commencement, staked ofE into towns. Accordingly 
in Van Buren County too many towns were laid out and trade was diverted 
from any particular place." 

VOL. XIV — 33 


gave up their claims to Keokuk's Reserve in the autumn of 
1836 and to a million and a quarter acres of land situated 
west of the Black Hawk Purchase in 1837. 


Sometime before surrendering all their rights in the ter- 
ritory which bordered on the Mississippi the Sacs and 
Foxes set up two villages in the Des Moines Valley, beyond 
the pale of the white settlements. On the present site of 
South Ottumwa, Chief Appanoose established himself and 
his band in the spring of 1834 and called the village Ah- 
taum-way-e-nauk (Perseverance Town). Ten or fifteen' 
miles below, just west of the Indian boundary line, in the 
region that is now notheastern Davis County, Keokuk chose 
a spot for his tribesmen.^^ Here the bands were dwelling 
in the summer of 1835, when the dragoons under Lieutenant 
Colonel Kearny visited them. Appanoose's town, accord- 
ing to an eye-witness, stood upon "a handsome Prairie & 
for an Indian town is very handsome & appears to be in- 
creasing in wealth and population." Keokuk's village 
made a good impression upon a dragoon by reason of its 
neatness and the apparent comfort of its population, who 
were "the most decent in their manner of living of any In- 
dians I have seen."^- 

Thither in the autumn of 1835 went their government 
Indian agent, General Joseph M. Street, accompanied by 
the famous painter of Indian portraits, George Catlin, and 
a corporal's command of eight dragoons furnished by 

31 Fulton 's The Bed Men of Iowa, pp. 239, 257. See also a map of the Black 
Hawk Purchase surveyed by Charles De Ward acting for William Gordon in 
October, 1835. For Eev. Cutting Marsh's visit to the Sac and Fox towns upon 
the Red Cedar, Iowa, and Des Moines rivers in 1834, see his report in Annals of 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VI, pp. 201-203. 

32 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. VII, pp. 366, 367, 377. 


Lieutenant Colonel Kearny. Catlin wrote as follows of 
this unique experience 

The whole country that we passed over was like a garden, want- 
ing only cultivation, being mostly prairie, and we found their vil- 
lage beautifully situated on a large prairie, on the bank of the Des 
Moines River. They seemed to be well supplied with the necessaries 
of life, and with some of its luxuries. I found Ke-o-kuk to be a 
chief of fine and portly figure, with a good countenance, and great 
dignity and grace in his manners. 

General Street had some documents from Washington, to read to 
him, which he and his chiefs listened to with great patience ; after 
which he placed before us good brandy and good wine, and invited 
us to drink, and to lodge with him; he then called up five of his 
runners or criers, communicated to them in a low, but emphatic 
tone, the substance of the talk from the agent, and of the letters 
read to him, and they started at full gallop — one of them pro- 
claiming it through his village, and the others sent express to the 
other villages, comprising the whole nation. Ke-o-kuck came in 
with us, with about twenty of his principal men — he brought in 
all his costly wardrobe, that I might select for his portrait such as 
suited me best; but at once named (of his own accord) the one that 
was purely Indian. In that he paraded for several days, and in it 
I painted him at full length. He is a man of a great deal of pride, 
and makes truly a splendid appearance on his black horse. He owns 
the finest horse in the country, and is excessively vain of his ap- 
pearance when mounted, and arrayed, himself and horse, in all their 
gear and trappings. He expressed a wish to see himself represented 
on horseback, and I painted him in that plight. He rode and net- 
tled his prancing steed in front of my door, until its sides were in a 
gore of blood. I succeeded to his satisfaction, and his vanity is in- 
creased, no doubt, by seeing himself immortalized in that way. 
After finishing him, I painted his favourite wife (the favoured one 
of seven), his favourite boy, and eight or ten of his principal men 
and women ; after which, he and all his men shook hands with me, 
wishing me well, and leaving, as tokens of regard, the most valued 
article of his dress, and a beautiful string of wampum, which he 
took from his wife's neck. 

33 Smithsonian 'Report, 1885, Part II, pp. 500, 501, 525; Iowa Historical 
Becord, Vol. VIII, p. 311; Catlin 's North American Indians (Chatto and 
Windus), Vol. II, pp. 149, 150. 


They then departed for their village in good spirits, to prepare 
for their fall hunt. 

Chief Keokuk's Eeserve upon the Iowa River practically 
divided the Iowa District into two parts. Owing to the rush 
of emigration to the West negotiations were soon opened 
for the purchase of this tract. By virtue of a treaty con- 
cluded on September 28, 1836, and ratified by the United 
States Senate in February, 1837, the Sacs and Foxes gave 
up their title to the land and agreed not to return for fish- 
ing, hunting, or planting after the first of November, 1836. 
It is reported that when Henry Dodge, Governor of Wis- 
consin Territory, requested the chiefs and braves to remove 
their families and property from the cession to make room 
for the whites, the Indians became excited and then burst 
into hearty laughter. This behavior one of them explained 
as follows 

My father, we have to laugh — we require no time to move — we 
have all left the lands already, and sold our wigwams to Chemo- 
kemons (white men) — some for one hundred, and some for two 
hundred dollars, before we came to this Treaty. There are already 
four hundred Chemokemons on the land, and several hundred more 
on their way moving in ; and three days before we came away, one 
Chemokemon sold his wigwam to another Chemokemon for two 
thousand dollars, to build a great town. 

Thus, ahead of ''people from the East, enlightened and 
intelligent — with industry and perseverance that will soon 
rear from the soil all the luxuries, and add to the surface, 
all the taste and comforts of Eastern refinement the 
Sacs and Foxes had taken up their line of march to lands 
farther west. From their sale of the Iowa River lands they 
realized a cash payment of $30,000, the sum of $10,000 an- 
nually in specie for ten years, and $48,458. 87i/^ with which 

S4 Catlin's North American Indians (Chatto and Windus), Vol. II, p. 216. 
asCatlin's North American Indians (Chatto and Windus), Vol. II, pp. 216, 


to satisfy the claims of traders against them for goods sold 
and delivered. Sac and Fox debts had accumulated since 
1832 and numerous **just creditors" presented their bills 
for settlement, among them Pratte, Chouteau & Co. of St. 
Louis, John Campbell, S. S. Phelps & Co., George Daven- 
port, Antoine Le Claire, and Francis Labachiere. It was 
agreed that one half of the amount ascertained to be due 
should be paid at once, while the other half should be paid 
later out of the Sac and Fox annuities, for which purpose 
$5000 was to be set aside each year beginning in 1838. The 
United States, furthermore, undertook to supply the In- 
dians with two hundred horses in June, 1837.^*' In all of 
this there is manifested the government's desire to confer 
benefit upon the tribesmen and to present new opportuni- 
ties to home-seekers, but most of all there is evidence of the 
successful dictation of treaties by Indian traders who had 
their own selfish interests at heart. They exploited the na- 
tives by a system of bartering goods for cash and furs and 
also by giving unlimited credit in the hope of a government 
payment later on. They also found it to their best interests 
to have the Indians removed from the temptations of civil- 
ized life to the open western country where the skins of 
game animals could still be secured for a most lucrative 
trade in the fur markets of the world. And so, the traders 

36 The treaty also provided $1000 to the widow of Felix St. Vrain, the Sac 
and Fox Indian agent who had been murdered at the outbreak of the Black 
Hawk War. One thousand dollars each was given to seven half-breeds, the 
children of Wharton R. McPherson, James Thorn, Joseph Smart, Nathan 
Smith, Wayman, Mitchell, and Amos Farrar, $2000 being paid to Joseph M. 
Street for the use and benefit of the children of the last two. At the special 
request of the tribes two hundred dollars was paid to Street for the children of 
the late John Connolly, James and Thompson Connolly. 

Other persons to whom the United States paid various sums of money were 
Jeremiah Smith, Stephen Dubois, Nathaniel Knapp, Wharton R. McPherson, 
Jesse W. Shull, James Jordan, the owners of the Steamboat "Warrior", 
Nathaniel Patterson, Mesdames St. Ament, Gunville, Le Claire, and Miss 
Blondeau. — Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 353-355. 


had nothing to lose and everything to gain when they urged 
and supported Indian treaties such as the one of 1836. 


In the autumn of the year 1837 about thirty Sac and Fox 
chiefs and delegates left their villages upon the Des Moines 
River and journeyed by water to the East, conducted by 
their Indian agent, Joseph M. Street, and the portly half- 
breed interpreter, Antoine Le Claire. Besides visiting New 
York and Boston, where they are said to have given a war 
dance on the Common,^'^ they met the government's com- 
missioner at Washington and concluded a treaty on October 
21st. This time they sold 1,250,000 acres of land lying west 
of the previous cessions upon the Mississippi River — a 
narrow strip of territory along the whole western border 
of the Black Hawk cession of 1832. The reasons for the 
sale are not clear, unless it be that the Indians and their 
traders again wanted relief : certain it is that the whites 
had not filled all the best vacant lands of the "Iowa Dis- 

In return for fertile lands the United States agreed to 
survey the new tract and pay all Sac and Fox debts up to 
$100,000 : if these debts amounted to a larger sum, the cred- 
itors were to be paid pro rata, and if the debts aggregated 
less, the Indians were to receive the surplus. The govern- 
ment gave further evidence of its generosity by promising 
to give the Indians $28,500 worth of goods suited to their 
wants ; to build two grist mills and furnish two millers for 
five years at a cost of $10,000; to break and fence certain 
Sac and Fox lands and provide "for other beneficial ob- 
jects" at a cost of $24,000; to pay $2000 a year for five 
years for the services of laborers and other objects to aid 

BT Annah of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 11, pp. 100, 101; The History of Lee 
County (1S79), pp. 3G0, 361. 


the Indians in agriculture ; and also deliver $4500 worth of 
horses and presents to the chiefs and delegates on their ar- 
rival at St. Louis. The government further agreed to in- 
vest $200,000 in safe State stocks and pay the Indians a five 
percent income each year in money or goods as the tribes 
might direct, although the President of the United States 
might order some of the income to be spent on education or 
other improvements, if the Indians so desired. The treaty 
also stipulated that two blacksmith establishments and one 
gunsmith shop should be removed from the lands sold to 
the new location of the tribe ; while the Indians themselves 
should depart westward within eight months after the Sen- 
ate 's ratification of the treaty — the only important excep- 
tion being that Chief Keokuk might retain possession of his 
village for two years.^^ 

After the Indian deputation returned to the "West, James 
Jordan,^^ William Phelps, and John Tolman are said to 
have paid $3000 for the rights of Keokuk and his tribesmen 
to remain upon the lands which they had sold. The Indians 
accordingly vacated their village in 1838 and crossed the 
new Indian boundary to establish themselves on lands a 
few miles farther up the Des Moines River near the present 
site of Ottumwa. In the spring of 1838 Keokuk's old vil- 
lage site was laid off by its speculating owners and called 
Iowaville.*° Just across the Des Moines the aged Black 

38 Kappler's Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 367, 368. 

39 The date of Jordan 's coming to the Iowa country is very uncertain. In 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VIII, p. 58, it is 1819, and in an article 
in the Des Moines Leader, July 26, 1886, the date is given as 1822. This and 
other evidence conflicts. 

40 The site of this town in the northeastern part of Davis County was the 
scene, it is said, of a battle between the loways and the allied Sacs and Foxes 
in the early twenties — the date is variously given as 1821, 1823, and 1824. 
The story of the battle as told by A. W. Harlan who claims that he heard it 
from the lips of an Indian chief sounds somewhat improbable when it is known 
that these Indian tribes had for a long time been friendly tenants-in-eommon 
of the Iowa wilderness. The fact seems to be that the loways left their vil- 


Hawk maintained his residence until the time of his death 
a few months later. Here, too, William and Peter Avery 
are reported to have served the American Fur Company 
until 1842, building a blockhouse for their protection. The 
first steamboat reaching the new frontier town was the 
American Fur Company's boat " Pavilion ".^^ 


After their return from Washington in November, 1837, 
the Sacs and Foxes did little but live upon the government 's 
presents of horses and merchandise, drink whiskey, and 
associate with the whites, many of whom had settled on In- 
dian lands. Had the squaws not raised considerable quan- 
tities of corn, beans, and pumpkins in the summer of 1838 
the Indians must have died from hunger, for the Foxes had 
killed very little game and the Sacs had not attempted to 
hunt because their vicinity was practically destitute of 
game. The poverty of the tribes resulted from withholding 
provisions and also from the sale of liquor by small dealers 
and border settlers, many of whom presented large claims 
when the government undertook to liquidate the indebted- 
ness of the tribes. The Sac and Fox Indian agent reported 
that the whites had dispensed more whiskey among the na- 
tives in 1838 than at any other time since 1834. 

It was to get away from the border whiskey-sellers that 
Joseph M. Street selected a site for his Sac and Fox Agency 
some miles west of the new Indian boundary and only an 
hour's ride from the principal Indian village. The contract 

lage on the Dos Moines about this time and later dwelt in what is now north- 
western Missouri, but that the removal followed ' ' a big battle and massacre ' ' 
by the Sacs and Foxes cannot be authenticated. The story of "this decisive 
and bloody conflict" is detailed in the loioa Historical Eecord, Vol. VII, pp. 
190, 191. Other accounts based upon it are to be found in Annals of Iowa 
(First Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 483-487, Vol. X, p. 296; Annah of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. II, p. 182. 

41 Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VIII, pp. 57-59. 


for constructing the necessary buildings was let to the low- 
est bidder, a citizen of Missouri, who started from his home 
with teams, some of his slaves, and an ample force of me- 
chanics and laborers, and soon had a large number of men 
at work on the agency grounds. In August, 1838, the coun- 
cil-house of hewn logs was ready. A visitor to the place 
also found timbers prepared for the agent's house, two 
heavy teams of horses breaking up the prairie sod, wagons 
hauling fence rails, and a blacksmith hard at work: "the 
hospitable-looking camp of tents and board sheds, . ... 
the blazing fire, over which two or three female Africans 
were busy at the steaming coffee, bacon, biscuits and divers 
vegetables of the season, excited in his mind an impression 
of the new agency, the satisfactory contentment of which 
has never to this day worn off."*^ Although the agency 
buildings were to have been ready in the autumn, they were 
not finished until after General Street took possession early 
in 1839, He had had his office on Rock Island as Indian 
agent for nearly five years, while his wife and children 
lived at Prairie du Chien. All now took up their residence 
in the Sac and Fox country .^^ 

Mr. and Mrs. Richard Kerr, having been appointed farm- 
er and matron to the Indians, soon arrived. A suitable lo- 
cation was selected for the pattern or model farm and 
operations were begun at once. Agent Street wished to 
make a practical demonstration of his motto : ' ' Teach him 
agriculture and his family domestic economy, give him by 
experience right notions of individual property, and the 
plan of civilizing the Indian commences with the A, B, C, of 
civilization."^^ Two saw and grist mills were also con- 

42 The History of Lee County (1879), pp. 363, 364. 

Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. Ill, p. 530; Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. VI, p. 373. Joseph M. Street was appointed Sac and Fox agent 
on Rock Island on March 4, 1835. 

a Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 103. 


structed: one upon Sugar Creek, the other upon Soap 
Creek, and Jeremiah and Samuel Smith were placed in 
charge as millers. The mills were soon destroyed by fresh- 
ets and even when rebuilt made no appeal to the Indians. 
The pattern farm and agricultural experiments near the 
villages succeeded no better. Josiah A. Smart, Charles H. 
Withington, Joshua W. Baker, Harvey Sturdivant, Job 
Smith, William and David Fullerton, Henry Plumber, 
Preston Eoberts, and a man named Counon, all came to the 
agency as government employees in various capacities.^^ 

Street's experience during the summer of 1838 indicated 
that little good could be done for the Indians unless white 
people and whiskey could be more effectively excluded 
from the Indian country. When Street came to pay the 
Sacs and Foxes their annuities, not less than one hundred 
white men crowded into the new log council-house, and upon 
being requested to retire to permit the tribesmen to enter 
and receive their money, they went out and removed "all 
the chinking between the logs to look in and see what was 
going on." To quote further from the agent's report: 

After the payment, the Indians paid to these small dealers, 
whiskey sellers, etc., something over $12,000 in specie, and the Foxes 
took $3,000 to pay the claimants, they said, not there. I mention 
these facts to show the Department the absolute necessity of the 
exclusion of the whites, except licensed traders, for the Sac and 
Fox country; and in relation to these I would add, that the only 
hope I can entertain of a benefit to the Indians is in the exclusion 
of all white men, but one trader, from the Indian country, whose 
goods and prices should be controlled by the United States agent, or 
that the United States take the trade into their own hands and ex- 
elude all traders, etc.^*' 

In his annual report for 1839 Agent Street gave 4396 as 

•«5 A7uials of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VI, p. 368; The History of Lee Cmm- 
ty (1879), pp. 160, 362; Senate Documents, 1st Session, 26tb Congress, No. 
126, p. 4. 

*o Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VI, pp. 367, 368. 


the number of Sacs and Foxes dwelling in three villages a 
few miles from the agency and in Poweshiek's village on 
the Iowa Eiver one hundred miles away. Although they 
now possessed mills and millers and broken fields for agri- 
culture no benefits had yet accrued to the tribesmen be- 
cause there was too much whiskey. In the summer liquor 
arrived at the Indian towns in barrels in open violation and 
defiance of the Territorial law passed in January prohibit- 
ing such commerce with the Indians. Some whites had ac- 
tually crossed the boundary line, planted crops, fenced 
fields, built houses, and absolutely refused to leave: "in 
some of these houses the vilest practices take place to de- 
fraud the Indians. A man named Eeason Jordan has built, 
two or three miles above the line, on the Indian lands, and 
refuses to remove until he shall please." Physical force 
was needed to drive out the intruders.^'^ 

The Indians, strongly attached to Agent Street because 
he had their best interests at heart, were plunged into deep 
grief when they received word of his death at the agency in 
May, 1840. In the hope of succeeding to Street's position 
and also of preventing Mrs. Street and her children from 
being turned out of their new home, a son-in-law, John 
Beach, made a rapid twelve-day journey from Dubuque to 
Washington and obtained the appointment as Indian agent. 
Arriving at the agency in June, he found the following per- 
sons in residence : Mrs. Street and nine children, interpreter 
Josiah A. Smart and his Sac wife, blacksmith Charles H. 
Withington, gunsmith Harvey Sturdivant, and some half- 
dozen people on the pattern farm. Not far away lived 
William Phelps, the trader, and on Sugar Creek lived the 
millwright and miller, Jeremiah Smith, with his family. 
Then south of the river dwelt a West Virginian named Van 
Caldwell. It seems that he and others had unknowingly 

47 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 26tli Congress, No. 1, pp. 498-500. 


gone across the boundary and settled in the Indian country. 
He alone was allowed to remain upon condition that he 
maintain a ferry across the Des Moines Eiver so as to make 
the mill on Soap Creek seven miles away to the southward 
accessible to government employees and all other persons 
during times of high water. Also, from five to seven miles 
west of the agency across the Des Moines stood the villages 
of Keokuk, Wapello, and Appanoose with their improved 
fields. Farther up the river was the village of Hardfish and 
ten miles north of it another village on the Skunk River (in 

In his first report in the autumn of 1840 Beach notified 
the government that a Sac and Fox war party had attacked 
and killed several Sioux and Winnebago Indians, that the 
mills had been destroyed by freshets, and that the farms 
did not yield much. Indeed, at one time the Indians took 
down a fence and drove their ponies into a field of young 
wheat.^^ Such was their inclination to farm. A year later 
one mill had been rebuilt, a bolt had been set up for the 
manufacture of flour, and the farm contained one hundred 
and seventy-seven acres of cultivated land, most of which 
with its crops of corn and oats had been fenced in with 
rails. Potatoes and turnips were expected for distribution. 
Agent Beach also made the following interesting statement : 

But the cultivation which appears to render the greatest satisfac- 
tion of the Indians is that of two acres in watermelons. About one 
half of those residing on the Des Moines are alternately invited 
once in each week, and several hundred melons issued to them. As 
this is, perhaps, the only article which they prefer to whiskey, they 
readily come several miles to procure them. Two beeves have been 
killed, and three others are fattening, for the Indians. 

•*8 Fulton's The Bed Men of Iowa, p. 354; The History of Lee County (1879), 
p. 365; Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. Ill, p. 531; Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. II, pp. 101, 387; Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 27tli Congress, 
No. 1, p. 351. 

*o Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 26th Congress, No. 1, pp. 327-330. 
60 Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 27th Congress, No. 1, pp. 350, 351. 


As early as the year 1834 a difference of opinion had 
arisen among the Sacs and Foxes about the government 
method of paying annuities. At that time the chiefs of two 
Fox villages, Poweshiek and Appanoose, sent to the Presi- 
dent a petition signed by over four hundred Fox hunters 
and warriors. They complained that the annuities paid to 
Keokuk had been given by him to the American Fur Com- 
pany and they had received nothing.^^ In time Hardfish, 
head of the upper village, became the leader of those who 
objected to having money paid to irresponsible chiefs : they 
favored the direct payment of government annuities to the 
heads of families, and were supported in their contention 
by the Iowa legislators. At the council which was held in 
the agency house on September 28, 1840, in the presence of 
Governor Eobert Lucas, the Indians could not conciliate 
their differences and so the payment was deferred. In the 
month of July, 1841, Governor John Chambers visited the 
Indians and probably discussed their dissensions with them, 
for not long afterward John Beach, the Indian agent, noti- 
fied him that the two bands had at last solved their difficulty. 
Hardfish 's band was to receive a part of the money due for 
distribution to the heads of families, while Keokuk's band 
was to receive the remainder for payment to the chiefs.^^ 

On October 12, 1841, Governor Chambers and T. Hartley 
Crawford, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, arranged to 
pay the Sac and Fox annuities to the heads of families in 
proportion to numbers. A census was accordingly taken, 
twenty-three hundred souls were counted, and the money 
for two years was then distributed. Enriched by the sum 
of $82,000, they paid some of their debts and spent the rest 
for whiskey, horses, and merchandise: they bought from 
the traders everything they wanted for cash and more on 

51 Souse Executwe Documents, 2nd Session, 23d Congress, Nos. 63, 64. 

52 Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 27tli Congress, No. 1, p. 349. 


credit.^^ It was under such unfavorable conditions that a 
few days later the United States commissioners, John 
Chambers, James D. Doty, and T. Hartley Crawford, with 
their secretary, James W. Grimes, met the Sacs and Foxes 
at the agency according to instructions to obtain a cession 
of all the land they possessed in Iowa. The Indians were 
requested to deliberate and answer "without allowing 
themselves to be influenced by the counsel of white men, 
who were excluded from all participation in their delibera- 
tions. "^^ Mr. Crawford, just arrived from Washington, 
offered them one million dollars and money enough to pay 
all their debts, and added: 

The country we wish you to remove to ... . will be on the 
head waters of the Des Moines, and west of the Blue Earth river. 
To remove apprehension of hostilities from your red brothers in 
that section [the Sioux Indians], we propose to establish and man 
three forts there for your protection, to be established before your 
removal from your present villages. Out of the million of dollars 
we propose that you have farms and farmers, mills and millers, 
blacksmiths, gunsmiths, school-houses, and a fine council-house. 
But, what will be of more value to you than all, we would propose 
to build a house for each family, each house to be worth not exceed- 
ing one hundred and fifty dollars, and to fence and plough six acres 
of ground for each family. "We propose to build for each of the 
chiefs a house worth not exceeding three hundred dollars, and fence 
and plough twelve acres of ground for each. We then intend you 
all to live in one village like brothers. This is the proposition we 
are authorized to make. If you will once try this mode of life you 
will never quit it. The white people have found it good. You will 
be happy with your wives and children, in fine, warm, and close 
houses. Your children will grow strong and be healthy, if kept 
from the weather and well fed, and you will all live long. But to 
make your children respected, they should be taught to read and 
write. To enable them to do so, we propose to place fifty thousand 

S3 Parish's John CJiamhers, pp. 170-176;